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Education has long been viewed as a vehicle for building community.
However, the critical role of education and schools for
constructing community resistance is undermined by recent trends
toward the centralization of educational policy-making (e.g. racial
profiling new laws in the US-Arizona and Texas; No Child Left
Behind and global racism), the normalization of "globalization" as
a vehicle for the advancement of economic neo-liberalism and social
hegemony, and the commodification of schooling in the service of
corporate capitalism. Alternative visions of schooling are urgently
needed to transform these dangerous trends so as to reconstruct
public education as an emancipatory social project. Teaching for
Global Community: Overcoming the Divide and Conquer Strategies of
the Oppressor examines these issues among related others as a way
to honor and re-examine Freirean principles and aim to take
critical pedagogy in new directions for a new generation. The goal
is to build upon past accomplishments of Paulo Freire's work and
critical pedagogy while moving beyond its historical limitations.
This includes efforts that revisit and re-evaluate established
topics in the field or take on new areas of contestation. Issues
related to education, labor, and emancipation, broadly defined and
from diverse geographical context, are addressed. The theoretical
perspectives used to look at these emerge from critical pedagogy,
critical race theory, critiques of globalization and neoliberalism,
marxist and neo-marxist perspectives, social constructivism,
comparative/international education, postmodernism indigenous
perspectives, feminist theory, queer theory, poststructuralism,
critical environmental studies, postcolonial studies, liberation
theology, with a deep commitment to social justice.
The world is currently witnessing the emergence of a new context
for education, labor, and transformative social movements. Global
flows of people, capital, and energy increasingly define the world
we live in. The multinational corporation, with its pursuit of
ever-cheaper sources of labor and materials and its disregard for
human life, is the dominant form of economic organization, where
capital can cross borders, but people can't. Affirmative action,
democracy, and human rights are moving in from the margins to
challenge capitalist priorities of "efficiency", i.e. exploitation.
In some places, the representatives of popular movements are
actually taking the reins of state power. Across the globe new
progressive movements are emerging to bridge national identities
and boundaries, in solidarity with transnational class, gender, and
ethnic struggles. At this juncture, educators have a key role to
play. The ideology of market competition has become more entrenched
in schools, even as opportunities for skilled employment diminish.
We must rethink the relationship between schooling and labor,
developing transnational pedagogies that draw upon the myriad
social struggles shaping students' lives and communities. Critical
educators need to connect with other social movements to put a
radically democratic agenda, based on the principles of equity,
access, and emancipation, at the center of educational praxis. Many
countries in Latin America like in other continents are developing
new alternatives for the reconstruction of social projects; these
emerging sources of hope are the central focus of this book. Major
historical change always starts with people's social movement.
Democracy can be one of the best political and social systems in
the world but for it to work entails the sustainable participation
of citizens. Above all, it requires that people be informed and
critically educated since the quality of democracy depends on
quality of education. There are 2 kinds of power: money and people.
If people exercise their agency, they can be more powerful than
money. There are some organizing principles of social movements,
as: "don't do for others what they should do for themselves." Saul
Alinsky wrote: Rules for Radicals: A pragmatic primer for realistic
radicals; Mary Rogers: Cold Anger: A story of faith and power
politics; Michael Gecan: Going Public: An organizer's guide to
citizen action; and Ernesto Cortez's, Industrial Area Foundation,
are all great sources for organized activism that do work. I put
some of these principles to the test and they produced positive
results, I was a founder and president of a union at my university
and I lived my whole life as an activist and learned that, we can
do more together than alone. Now we also have a new digital war
with the Cambridge Analitica and Breitbart's fake news
manipulation; however, we also have social-justice hacktivism to
counter act it, as well as other democratic social media venues
that critical thinkers and activist use. The chapters in this book
demonstrate the importance of widening and diversifying social
movements, at the same time, emphasizes the need to build cohesive
alliances among all the different fronts. What some people think is
"impossible" can become a transformed reality, for those who dare
attempt changing the world as global citizens.
The world is currently witnessing the emergence of a new context
for education, labor, and transformative social movements. Global
flows of people, capital, and energy increasingly define the world
we live in. The multinational corporation, with its pursuit of
ever-cheaper sources of labor and materials and its disregard for
human life, is the dominant form of economic organization, where
capital can cross borders, but people can't. Affirmative action,
democracy, and human rights are moving in from the margins to
challenge capitalist priorities of "efficiency", i.e. exploitation.
In some places, the representatives of popular movements are
actually taking the reins of state power. Across the globe new
progressive movements are emerging to bridge national identities
and boundaries, in solidarity with transnational class, gender, and
ethnic struggles. At this juncture, educators have a key role to
play. The ideology of market competition has become more entrenched
in schools, even as opportunities for skilled employment diminish.
We must rethink the relationship between schooling and labor,
developing transnational pedagogies that draw upon the myriad
social struggles shaping students' lives and communities. Critical
educators need to connect with other social movements to put a
radically democratic agenda, based on the principles of equity,
access, and emancipation, at the center of educational praxis. Many
countries in Latin America like in other continents are developing
new alternatives for the reconstruction of social projects; these
emerging sources of hope are the central focus of this book. Major
historical change always starts with people's social movement.
Democracy can be one of the best political and social systems in
the world but for it to work entails the sustainable participation
of citizens. Above all, it requires that people be informed and
critically educated since the quality of democracy depends on
quality of education. There are 2 kinds of power: money and people.
If people exercise their agency, they can be more powerful than
money. There are some organizing principles of social movements,
as: "don't do for others what they should do for themselves." Saul
Alinsky wrote: Rules for Radicals: A pragmatic primer for realistic
radicals; Mary Rogers: Cold Anger: A story of faith and power
politics; Michael Gecan: Going Public: An organizer's guide to
citizen action; and Ernesto Cortez's, Industrial Area Foundation,
are all great sources for organized activism that do work. I put
some of these principles to the test and they produced positive
results, I was a founder and president of a union at my university
and I lived my whole life as an activist and learned that, we can
do more together than alone. Now we also have a new digital war
with the Cambridge Analitica and Breitbart's fake news
manipulation; however, we also have social-justice hacktivism to
counter act it, as well as other democratic social media venues
that critical thinkers and activist use. The chapters in this book
demonstrate the importance of widening and diversifying social
movements, at the same time, emphasizes the need to build cohesive
alliances among all the different fronts. What some people think is
"impossible" can become a transformed reality, for those who dare
attempt changing the world as global citizens.
Education has long been viewed as a vehicle for building community.
However, the critical role of education and schools for
constructing community resistance is undermined by recent trends
toward the centralization of educational policy-making (e.g. racial
profiling new laws in the US-Arizona and Texas; No Child Left
Behind and global racism), the normalization of "globalization" as
a vehicle for the advancement of economic neo-liberalism and social
hegemony, and the commodification of schooling in the service of
corporate capitalism. Alternative visions of schooling are urgently
needed to transform these dangerous trends so as to reconstruct
public education as an emancipatory social project. Teaching for
Global Community: Overcoming the Divide and Conquer Strategies of
the Oppressor examines these issues among related others as a way
to honor and re-examine Freirean principles and aim to take
critical pedagogy in new directions for a new generation. The goal
is to build upon past accomplishments of Paulo Freire's work and
critical pedagogy while moving beyond its historical limitations.
This includes efforts that revisit and re-evaluate established
topics in the field or take on new areas of contestation. Issues
related to education, labor, and emancipation, broadly defined and
from diverse geographical context, are addressed. The theoretical
perspectives used to look at these emerge from critical pedagogy,
critical race theory, critiques of globalization and neoliberalism,
marxist and neo-marxist perspectives, social constructivism,
comparative/international education, postmodernism indigenous
perspectives, feminist theory, queer theory, poststructuralism,
critical environmental studies, postcolonial studies, liberation
theology, with a deep commitment to social justice.
Reinventing Critical Pedagogy offers a fresh perspective from which
to read, discuss, and debate recent critical interpretations of
schooling and our world at present. The authors build upon past
accomplishments of critical pedagogy and critique those elements
that contradict the radically democratic orientation of the field.
Ultimately, they argue that critical pedagogy needs to welcome a
wider representational and ideological base for the oppressed, and
that it should do so in a way that makes the field more vital in
the preparation for the revolutionary struggles ahead. Reinventing
Critical Pedagogy takes a step in that direction because it not
only takes to task "external" forces such as capitalism,
patriarchy, and white supremacy, but also engages the
manifestations of these external forces within critical pedagogy
itself.
Engaging Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of Possibility is a cross-cultural
case study of how people experience schooling in relation to their
sense of time and optimism. Cesar Augusto Rossatto examines how
real-life situations and social structures influence people's
construction of notions of possibilities. Positionality, or
perceptions about life and projections of the future, has great
impact on students' success in school. These perceptions-how they
interpret the past, live in the present, and foresee the
future-are, in turn, greatly influenced by their intellectual
locality. By the same token, how educators see their position in
the world and their classroom 'roles' determines their operandum
beliefs. The findings of this study suggest that a curriculum based
on Freirean critical pedagogy and time theories can be used to
enhance time-consciousness values in contemporary social life.
Reinventing Critical Pedagogy offers a fresh perspective from which
to read, discuss, and debate recent critical interpretations of
schooling and our world at present. The authors build upon past
accomplishments of critical pedagogy and critique those elements
that contradict the radically democratic orientation of the field.
Ultimately, they argue that critical pedagogy needs to welcome a
wider representational and ideological base for the oppressed, and
that it should do so in a way that makes the field more vital in
the preparation for the revolutionary struggles ahead. Reinventing
Critical Pedagogy takes a step in that direction because it not
only takes to task OexternalO forces such as capitalism,
patriarchy, and white supremacy, but also engages the
manifestations of these external forces within critical pedagogy
itself.
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