|
Showing 1 - 15 of
15 matches in All Departments
THE TRAGIC ERA The Revolution after Lincoln ANDKW JOONHON PREFACE
IF Hilaire Belloc is right IB his opinion that readable history is
melodrama the true story of the twelve tragic years that fol lowed
the death of Lincoln should be entertaining. They were years of
revolutionary turmoil, with the elemental passions pre dominant,
and with broken bones and bloody noses among the fighting
factionalists. The prevailing note was one of tragedy, though, as
we shall see, there was an abundance of comedy, and not a little of
farce. Never have American public men in responsi ble positions,
directing the destiny of the Nation, been so brutal, hypocritical,
and corrupt The Constitution was treated as a door mat OB which
politicians and army officers wiped their feet after wading in the
muck. Never has the Supreme Court been treated with such ineffable
contempt, and never has that tribunal so often cringed before the
clamor of the mob. So appalling is the picture of these
revolutionary years that even historians have preferred to overlook
many essential things. Thus, Andrew Johnson who fought the bravest
battle for constitutional liberty and for the preservation of our
institutions ever waged by an Executive., until recently was left
in the pillory to which un scrupulous gamblers for power consigned
him, because the un varnished truth that vindicates Mm makes so
many statues in public squares and parks seem a bit grotesque. That
Johnson was maligned by his enemies because he was seeking honestly
to carry out the conciliatory and wise policy of Lincoln is now
generally understood, but even now few realise how intensely
Lincoln was Kated by the Radicals at the time of his death A
completeunderstanding of this period calls for a reappraisal of
many public men. Some statesmen we have been taught to rever ence
will appear in these pages in sorry rdles. Others, who played
conspicuous parts, but have been denied the historical recognition
due them, are introduced and shown in action. Thus the able lead
ers of the minority in Congress are given fuller treatment than has
been fashionable, since they represented more Americans, North VI
and South, than the leaders of the Radical majority, and were
nearer right on the issues of reconstruction-Thus, too, the
brilliant and colorful leaders and spokesmen of the South are given
their proper place in the dramatic struggle for the preservation of
Southern civilisation and the redemption of their people, I have
sought to re-create the black and bloody drama of these years, to
show the leaders of the fighting factions at close range, to
picture the moving masses, both whites and blacks, in North and
South, surging crawly under the influence of the poisonous
propaganda on which they were fed. That the Southern people
literally were put to the torture is vaguely understood, but even
historians have shrunk from the un happy task of showing us the
torture chambers. It is impossible to grasp the real significance
of the revolutionary proceedings of the rugged conspirators working
out the policies of Thaddeiift Stevens without making many journeys
among the Southern people, and seeing with our own eyes the
indignities to which, they were sub jected. Through many
unpublished contemporary family letters and diaries, I iave tried
to show the psychological effect upon them of the despotic policies
of which they were the victims. Brutal men, inspired by personal
ambition or party motives as sumed the pose of philanthropists and
patriots and thus deceived and misguided vast numbers of
well-meaning people in the North. lot the effort to re-create the
atmosphere mid temper of the times I have made free use of the
newspapers of those times In valuable for this purpose has been my
access to the unpublished diary of George W. Julian which covers
the entire period. Through him we are able to sit in at important
conferences that hitherto have been closed to the historians...
The Shelf2Life Irish Folklore and History Collection is a unique
set of materials focused on Irish history, people and culture in
the late 18th to early 20th centuries. Firsthand accounts tell of
life during Ireland's tumultuous 19th century, offering vivid
depictions of the tithe war and the great famine, while biographies
highlight important historical figures and their tireless campaign
for Irish reform. Included in this collection are works that
capture the imaginative and occasionally frightening world of Irish
folklore with legendary stories of fairies, leprechauns,
changelings and pooka. This collection provides folklore
enthusiasts, historians and anyone interested in Ireland,
especially those of Irish descent, an unparalleled perspective on
the economic struggles and cultural identity of the Irish people.
This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger
Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain
imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed
pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we
have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting,
preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger
Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and
hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!
This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger
Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain
imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed
pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we
have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting,
preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger
Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and
hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!
Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the
1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly
expensive. We are republishing these classic works in affordable,
high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.
JEFF E R S I N P O WE R The Death Struggle of the Federalists
CLAUDE G. BOWERS WITH ILLUSTRATIONS HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY -
BOSTON GTt t EtorretUr flrea 1936 COPYRIGHT, 1936, BY CLAUDE G.
BOWERS . RIGHTS RESERVED INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO REPRODUCE THIS BOOK
OR PARTS THEREOF IN ANY FORM CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS - PRINTED IN
THE U. S. A. Preface t HE eight dramatic years of Jeffersons two
Administrations JL marked the consolidation of the triumph of
democracy after the ten-year struggle I have described in Jefferson
and Hamilton Since some distinguished historians have written
bitterly partisan interpretations of this period, out of the
fullness of their fierce hate of Jefferson, it can scarcely be
amiss, or in bad taste, for one who is frankly partial to
Jeffersonian principles and policies to tell the story of these two
Administrations as he finds it written luminously in the record. It
was a lusty period, by no means so sedate as is the popular
impression a period of marching mobs, of rebellions more brazen
than that of Shays, of backstairs gossip and back-room intrigues,
of whispering campaigns and political assassinations. The fighting
was continuous, always bitter, often brilliant, and by no means
confined to the reasonably dignified polemics of politicians. Men
of light and leading occasionally engaged in common tavern brawls,
many deliberated in House and Senate with guns in their pockets,
and statesmen crept from their homes and boarding-houses in the
chilly dawn to face one another on the field of honor at
Bladensburg. Again Hamilton, in the shining armor of his genius,
rides right gallantly upon the scene. In some ways he has changed
under the skies, so gray to him, ofJeffersonian domination. But
that which will impress us most about him will be his pathetic
isolation. We shall find him frequently at odds with the Federalist
leaders, who will continue to pay him lip service while utterly
ignoring his advice. He cannot share their treasonable attitude on
the acqui sition of Louisiana he will not join them in their bitter
battle against a new and necessary constitutional amendment. He
will vi PREFACE stand four square against the secession movements
to which the most impressive portion of his party will give
adherence. He will refuse to join them in their conspiracy to raise
Aaron Burr to gubernatorial honors, and he will pay the penalty of
his opposition with his life. Midway of our story, this Homeric
figure will pass to history. No Federalist ever after was to wear
his mantle or to wield his mighty sword. The most scintillating of
the congressional leaders of the party were as insects crawling on
the earth, compared with Jefferson. The real leadership of the
Federalists passed to John Marshall, a consummate, constant, and
bitterly partisan politi cian, who fought with far-seeing cunning
from behind the pro tecting shield of the Supreme Court. These
were, on the whole, eight remarkably brilliant years, though the
anti-Jefferson historians are careful to convey no such impression.
They were years of unprecedented prosperity. The industrial life of
the nation developed rapidly. The management of the finances was
brilliantly successful. There was a complete absence of scandal in
administration. The federal judiciary was purged of the indecencies
that were destroying faith in its im partiality, integrity, or
justice, though the partisan historian hassmugly called this
purgation an attack on the courts. The acquisition, without the
shedding of a drop of blood, of an em pire, from which many of the
richest commonwealths of the nation have been carved, was a
memorable and immortal triumph. And we shall follow, in a more
sympathetic manner than has been fashionable among the
sword-rattlers of the ivory tower, Jeffersons superb effort, in the
utter collapse of all international law, to find, in economic
pressure, a civilized substitute for the savagery of war...
THE TRAGIC ERA The Revolution after Lincoln ANDKW JOONHON PREFACE
IF Hilaire Belloc is right IB his opinion that readable history is
melodrama the true story of the twelve tragic years that fol lowed
the death of Lincoln should be entertaining. They were years of
revolutionary turmoil, with the elemental passions pre dominant,
and with broken bones and bloody noses among the fighting
factionalists. The prevailing note was one of tragedy, though, as
we shall see, there was an abundance of comedy, and not a little of
farce. Never have American public men in responsi ble positions,
directing the destiny of the Nation, been so brutal, hypocritical,
and corrupt The Constitution was treated as a door mat OB which
politicians and army officers wiped their feet after wading in the
muck. Never has the Supreme Court been treated with such ineffable
contempt, and never has that tribunal so often cringed before the
clamor of the mob. So appalling is the picture of these
revolutionary years that even historians have preferred to overlook
many essential things. Thus, Andrew Johnson who fought the bravest
battle for constitutional liberty and for the preservation of our
institutions ever waged by an Executive., until recently was left
in the pillory to which un scrupulous gamblers for power consigned
him, because the un varnished truth that vindicates Mm makes so
many statues in public squares and parks seem a bit grotesque. That
Johnson was maligned by his enemies because he was seeking honestly
to carry out the conciliatory and wise policy of Lincoln is now
generally understood, but even now few realise how intensely
Lincoln was Kated by the Radicals at the time of his death A
completeunderstanding of this period calls for a reappraisal of
many public men. Some statesmen we have been taught to rever ence
will appear in these pages in sorry rdles. Others, who played
conspicuous parts, but have been denied the historical recognition
due them, are introduced and shown in action. Thus the able lead
ers of the minority in Congress are given fuller treatment than has
been fashionable, since they represented more Americans, North VI
and South, than the leaders of the Radical majority, and were
nearer right on the issues of reconstruction-Thus, too, the
brilliant and colorful leaders and spokesmen of the South are given
their proper place in the dramatic struggle for the preservation of
Southern civilisation and the redemption of their people, I have
sought to re-create the black and bloody drama of these years, to
show the leaders of the fighting factions at close range, to
picture the moving masses, both whites and blacks, in North and
South, surging crawly under the influence of the poisonous
propaganda on which they were fed. That the Southern people
literally were put to the torture is vaguely understood, but even
historians have shrunk from the un happy task of showing us the
torture chambers. It is impossible to grasp the real significance
of the revolutionary proceedings of the rugged conspirators working
out the policies of Thaddeiift Stevens without making many journeys
among the Southern people, and seeing with our own eyes the
indignities to which, they were sub jected. Through many
unpublished contemporary family letters and diaries, I iave tried
to show the psychological effect upon them of the despotic policies
of which they were the victims. Brutal men, inspired by personal
ambition or party motives as sumed the pose of philanthropists and
patriots and thus deceived and misguided vast numbers of
well-meaning people in the North. lot the effort to re-create the
atmosphere mid temper of the times I have made free use of the
newspapers of those times In valuable for this purpose has been my
access to the unpublished diary of George W. Julian which covers
the entire period. Through him we are able to sit in at important
conferences that hitherto have been closed to the historians...
This course is designed to fully cover the National Curriculum Key
Stage 3 programme of study for Maths. It also offers coverage of
the National Numeracy Framework objectives for Key Stage 3.
Incorporating the ideology behind the National Numeracy Strategy,
the course gives an interactive approach to maths at this level.
|
|