Ninety-four women currently serve in the 112th Congress: 77 in the House (53 Democrats and 24 Republicans) and 17 in the Senate (12 Democrats and 5 Republicans). Ninety-two women were initially sworn in to the 112th Congress, two women Democratic House Members have since resigned, and four others have been elected. This number (94) is lower than the record number of 95 women who were initially elected to the 111th Congress. The first woman elected to Congress was Representative Jeannette Rankin (R-MT, 1917-1919, 1941-1943). The first woman to serve in the Senate was Rebecca Latimer Felton (D-GA). She was appointed in 1922 and served for only one day. A total of 278 women have served in Congress, 178 Democrats and 100 Republicans. Of these women, 239 (153 Democrats, 86 Republicans) have served only in the House of Representatives; 31 (19 Democrats, 12 Republicans) have served only in the Senate; and 8 (6 Democrats, 2 Republicans) have served in both houses. These figures include one non-voting Delegate each from Guam, Hawaii, the District of Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Currently serving Senator Barbara Mikulski (D-MD) holds the record for length of service by a woman in Congress with 35 years (10 of which were spent in the House). On March 17, 2012, she broke the record previously held by Edith Nourse Rogers (R-MA), who served in the House for 35 years. Of the 39 women who have served in the Senate, 14 were first appointed and 5 were first elected to fill unexpired terms. Nine were chosen to fill vacancies caused by the death of their husbands, and one to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of her father. Of these 10, 3 were subsequently elected to additional terms. Hattie Caraway (D-AR, 1931-1945) was the first Senator to succeed her husband and the first woman elected to a six-year Senate term. A total of 31 African American or black women have served in Congress (1 in the Senate, 30 in the House), including the 15 serving in the 112th Congress. Eight Hispanic women have been elected to the House; seven serve in the 112th Congress. Six Asian American women have served in the House, including four in the 112th Congress. Eighteen women in the House, and 10 women in the Senate, have chaired committees. In the 112th Congress, one woman chairs a House committee, and five women chair Senate committees, with one female Senator chairing two committees. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) was the first woman to serve as Speaker of the House, in the 110th and 111th Congresses. This publication identifies the names, committee assignments, dates of service, and (for Representatives) congressional districts of the 278 women who have served in Congress. It will be updated when there are relevant changes in the makeup of Congress.

There are 43 African American Members serving in the 112th Congress, all in the House of Representatives. There have been 133 African American Members of Congress: 127 have been elected to the House; 5 have been elected to the Senate; and 1 has been appointed to the Senate. There have been 104 Democrats, 101 in the House and 3 in the Senate; and 29 Republicans, 26 in the House and 3 in the Senate. The number of African American Members has steadily increased since the first African Americans entered Congress in 1870. There were fewer than 10 Members until the 91st Congress (1969-1971). In the 98th Congress (1983-1985), the number surpassed 20 for the first time and then jumped to 40 in the 103rd Congress (1993-1995). Since the 106th Congress (1999-2001), the number has remained between 39 and 44 serving at any one time. The first African American Member of Congress was Hiram Rhodes Revels (R-MS), who served in the Senate in the 41st Congress (served 1870-1871). The first African American Member of the House was Joseph H. Rainey (R-SC), who also served in the 41st Congress. Shirley Chisholm (D-NY), elected to the 91st through 97th Congresses (1969-1983), was the first African American woman in Congress. Since that time, 30 other African American women have been elected, including Senator Carol Moseley-Braun (D-IL, 1993-1999), who is the only African American woman, as well as the first African American Democrat, elected to the Senate. Representative John Conyers, Jr. (D-MI, 1965-present), the current chair of the House Judiciary Committee, holds the record for length of service by an African American Member (46 years). He was first elected to the 89th Congress (1965-1967) and has served since January 3, 1965. Representative James E. Clyburn (D-SC, 1993-present) and former Representatives William H. Gray III (D-PA, 1979-1991) and J.C. Watts (R-OK, 1995-2003) have been elected to the highest leadership positions held by African American Members of Congress. Representative Clyburn, the House Assistant Democratic leader in the 112th Congress, served as the House majority whip in the 110th and 111th Congresses and as vice chair of the House Democratic Caucus in the 108th and 109th Congresses. Representative Gray was chair of the House Democratic Caucus in 1989 (101st Congress). Later in that Congress, when a vacancy occurred, he was elected House majority whip, a position he held until his resignation from Congress in September 1991 (102nd Congress). Representative Watts served as chair of the House Republican Conference in the 106th-107th Congresses (1997-2001). Twenty African Americans have served as committee chairs, 19 in the House and 1 in the Senate. The Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), whose origins date back to 1969, currently has 43 members. Over its 40-year history, the CBC has been one of the most influential caucuses in Congress.

Although sometimes decried by pundits, George W. Bush's use of moral and religious rhetoric is far from unique in the American presidency. In ""The Moral Rhetoric of American Presidents"", Colleen J. Shogan astutely analyzes the president's role as the nation's moral spokesman and demonstrates that moral and religious rhetoric is a strategic tool presidents can use to enhance their constitutional authority. Shogan employs content analysis of the inaugural and annual addresses of all the presidents from George Washington through George W. Bush. This quantitative evidence shows that while presidents of both parties have used moral and religious arguments, the frequency has fluctuated considerably and the language has become increasingly detached from relevant policy arguments. Shogan explores the political effects of the rhetorical choices presidents make through nine historical cases: Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Buchanan, Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Carter. Shogan highlights the specific political circumstances that encourage or discourage the use of moral rhetoric and analyzes several dilemmas of governance instigated by George W. Bush's persistent devotion to moral and religious argumentation. This paperback edition includes a new afterword in which Shogan applies her analysis to understanding the role of Bush's moral rhetoric in the 2006 Congressional elections. She considers the change in his addresses after his party's midterm losses and, surveying the likely candidates for the 2008 presidential election, argues that they will need to ascertain how to maximize the strategic utility of moral and religious rhetoric.

Although sometimes decried by pundits, George W. Bush's use of moral and religious rhetoric is far from unique in the American presidency. ""The Moral Rhetoric of American Presidents"" astutely analyzes the president's role as the nation's moral spokesman. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative methods, Colleen J. Shogan demonstrates that moral and religious rhetoric is a strategic tool presidents can use to enhance their constitutional authority. To determine how the use of moral rhetoric has changed over time, Shogan employs content analysis of the inaugural and annual addresses of all the presidents from George Washington through George W. Bush. This quantitative evidence shows that while presidents of both parties have used moral and religious arguments, the frequency has fluctuated considerably and the language has become increasingly detached from relevant policy arguments. Shogan explores the political effects of the rhetorical choices presidents make through nine historical cases: Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Buchanan, Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Carter. Shogan highlights the specific political circumstances that encourage or discourage the use of moral rhetoric. Shogan concludes with an analysis of several dilemmas of governance instigated by George W. Bush's persistent devotion to moral and religious argumentation.