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How did England, once a minor regional power, become a global
hegemon between 1689 and 1815? Why, over the same period, did she
become the world's first industrial nation? Gary W. Cox addresses
these questions in Marketing Sovereign Promises. The book examines
two central issues: the origins of the great taxing power of the
modern state and how that power is made compatible with economic
growth. Part I considers England's rise after the revolution of
1689, highlighting the establishment of annual budgets with
shutdown reversions. This core reform effected a great increase in
per capita tax extraction. Part II investigates the regional and
global spread of British budgeting ideas. Cox argues that states
grew only if they addressed a central credibility problem
afflicting the Ancien Regime - that rulers were legally entitled to
spend public revenue however they deemed fit.
How did England, once a minor regional power, become a global
hegemon between 1689 and 1815? Why, over the same period, did she
become the world's first industrial nation? Gary W. Cox addresses
these questions in Marketing Sovereign Promises. The book examines
two central issues: the origins of the great taxing power of the
modern state and how that power is made compatible with economic
growth. Part I considers England's rise after the revolution of
1689, highlighting the establishment of annual budgets with
shutdown reversions. This core reform effected a great increase in
per capita tax extraction. Part II investigates the regional and
global spread of British budgeting ideas. Cox argues that states
grew only if they addressed a central credibility problem
afflicting the Ancien Regime - that rulers were legally entitled to
spend public revenue however they deemed fit.
The second edition of Legislative Leviathan provides an incisive
new look at the inner workings of the House of Representatives in
the post-World War II era. Re-evaluating the role of parties and
committees, Gary W. Cox and Mathew D. McCubbins view parties in the
House - especially majority parties - as a species of 'legislative
cartel'. These cartels seize the power, theoretically resident in
the House, to make rules governing the structure and process of
legislation. Most of the cartel's efforts are focused on securing
control of the legislative agenda for its members. The first
edition of this book had significant influence on the study of
American politics and is essential reading for students of
Congress, the presidency, and the political party system.
The Supreme Court's reapportionment decisions, beginning with Baker v. Carr in 1962, had far more than jurisprudential consequences. They sparked a massive wave of extraordinary redistricting in the mid-1960s. Both state legislative and congressional districts were redrawn more comprehensively--by far--than at any previous time in our nation's history. Moreover, they changed what would legally happen should a state government fail to enact a new districting plan when one was legally required. This book provides the first detailed analysis of how judicial partisanship affected redistricting outcomes in the 1960s, arguing that the reapportionment revolution led indirectly to three fundamental changes in the nature of congressional elections: the abrupt eradication of a 6% pro-Republican bias in the translation of congressional votes into seats outside the south; the abrupt increase in the apparent advantage of incumbents; and the abrupt alteration of the two parties' success in congressional recruitment and elections.
Politics, and the redistricting process through which it is carried
out, has always been part of our history. In the last four decades,
however, the frequency with which redistricting has taken place has
grown dramatically. Through a series of theoretical, historical,
and case study essays by leading scholars, Redistricting in the New
Millennium addresses the complications of redistricting from before
the 1812 plan setting gerrymandering to the latest Congressional
races. The essays take the reader through the complicated issues of
redistricting, addressing partisan, incumbent, racial, and judicial
concerns. The book is essential for students of politics as well as
anyone interested in the political process.
Popular elections are at the heart of representative democracy.
Thus, understanding the laws and practices that govern such
elections is essential to understanding modern democracy. In this
book, Cox views electoral laws as posing a variety of coordination
problems that political forces must solve. Coordination problems -
and with them the necessity of negotiating withdrawals, strategic
voting, and other species of strategic coordination - arise in all
electoral systems. This book employs a unified game-theoretic model
to study strategic coordination worldwide and that relies primarily
on constituency-level rather than national aggregate data in
testing theoretical propositions about the effects of electoral
laws. This book also considers not just what happens when political
forces succeed in solving the coordination problems inherent in the
electoral system they face but also what happens when they fail.
The second edition of Legislative Leviathan provides an incisive
new look at the inner workings of the House of Representatives in
the post-World War II era. Re-evaluating the role of parties and
committees, Gary W. Cox and Mathew D. McCubbins view parties in the
House - especially majority parties - as a species of 'legislative
cartel'. These cartels seize the power, theoretically resident in
the House, to make rules governing the structure and process of
legislation. Most of the cartel's efforts are focused on securing
control of the legislative agenda for its members. The first
edition of this book had significant influence on the study of
American politics and is essential reading for students of
Congress, the presidency, and the political party system.
Scholars of the U.S. House disagree over the importance of
political parties in organizing the legislative process. On the one
hand, non-partisan theories stress how congressional organization
serves members' non-partisan goals. On the other hand, partisan
theories argue that the House is organized to serve the collective
interests of the majority party. This book advances our partisan
theory and presents a series of empirical tests of that theory's
predictions (pitted against others). It considers why procedural
cartels form, arguing that agenda power is naturally subject to
cartelization in busy legislatures. It argues that the majority
party has cartelized agenda power in the U.S. House since the
adoption of Reed's rules in 1890. The evidence demonstrates that
the majority party seizes agenda control at nearly every stage of
the legislative process in order to prevent bills that the party
dislikes from reaching the floor.
Scholars of the U.S. House disagree over the importance of
political parties in organizing the legislative process. On the one
hand, non-partisan theories stress how congressional organization
serves members' non-partisan goals. On the other hand, partisan
theories argue that the House is organized to serve the collective
interests of the majority party. This book advances our partisan
theory and presents a series of empirical tests of that theory's
predictions (pitted against others). It considers why procedural
cartels form, arguing that agenda power is naturally subject to
cartelization in busy legislatures. It argues that the majority
party has cartelized agenda power in the U.S. House since the
adoption of Reed's rules in 1890. The evidence demonstrates that
the majority party seizes agenda control at nearly every stage of
the legislative process in order to prevent bills that the party
dislikes from reaching the floor.
The Efficient Secret is an analysis of the institutional changes in
parliamentary government in nineteenth-century England,
concentrating on the years between the first and third Reform Acts.
Professor Gary W. Cox employs a rational choice model to analyze
the problems of voter choice and to examine the emergence of party
loyalty in the electorate, the development of cabinet government,
and their legislative consequences. The introductory chapters
provide the historical setting for this study and briefly survey
nineteenth-century political and economic events. Professor Cox
then focuses on the increases in party voting in Parliament and in
the electorate. To support his argument concerning these parallel
developments, he uses statistical evidence drawn from poll books
and newspapers.
The Supreme Court's reapportionment decisions, beginning with Baker v. Carr in 1962, had far more than jurisprudential consequences. They sparked a massive wave of extraordinary redistricting in the mid-1960s. Both state legislative and congressional districts were redrawn more comprehensively--by far--than at any previous time in our nation's history. Moreover, they changed what would legally happen should a state government fail to enact a new districting plan when one was legally required. This book provides the first detailed analysis of how judicial partisanship affected redistricting outcomes in the 1960s, arguing that the reapportionment revolution led indirectly to three fundamental changes in the nature of congressional elections: the abrupt eradication of a 6% pro-Republican bias in the translation of congressional votes into seats outside the south; the abrupt increase in the apparent advantage of incumbents; and the abrupt alteration of the two parties' success in congressional recruitment and elections.
This book investigates strategic coordination in elections worldwide. Although the classics of electoral studies have dealt with issues of coordination, this is the first book that employs a unified game-theoretic model to study strategic coordination--including both strategic voting and strategic entry--worldwide and that relies primarily on constituency-level rather than national aggregate data in testing theoretical propositions about the effects of electoral laws.
This book provides an incisive new look at the inner workings of
the House of Representatives in the post-World War II era.
Reevaluating the role of parties and committees, Gary Cox and
Mathew McCubbins view parties in the House--especially majority
parties--as a species of "legislative cartel." These cartels usurp
the power, theoretically resident in the House, to make rules
governing the structure and process of legislation. Possession of
this rule-making power leads to two main consequences. First, the
legislative process in general, and the committee system in
particular, is stacked in favor of majority party interests.
Second, because the majority party has all the structural
advantages, the key players in most legislative deals are members
of that party and the majority party's central agreements are
facilitated by cartel rules and policed by the cartel's
leadership.
Debunking prevailing arguments about the weakening of congressional
parties, Cox and McCubbins powerfully illuminate the ways in which
parties exercise considerable discretion in organizing the House to
carry out its work.
This work will have an important impact on the study of American
politics, and will greatly interest students of Congress, the
presidency, and the political party system.
This study analyzes the inner workings of the US House of Representatives in the post-World War II era. Re-evaluating the role of parties and committees, the authors view the political parties in the House - especially majority parties - as a species of "legislative cartel". These cartels usurp the power, theoretically resident in the House, to make rules governing the structure and process of legislation. Possession of this rule-making power leads to two main consequences. Firstly, the legislative process in general, and the committee system in particular, is stacked in favour of majority party interests. Secondly, because the majority party has all the structural advantages, the key players in most legislative deals are members of that party and the majority party's central agreements are facilitated by cartel rules and policed by the cartel's leadership.;Debunking prevailing arguments about the weakening of congressional parties, the study illuminates the ways in which parties exercise considerable discretion in organizing the House of Representatives to carry out its work.
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