It is often suggested that the incidence of cancer and coronary heart disease could be much reduced or even eliminated if only people would stop smoking cigarettes and eat fewer high-cholesterol foods. The evidence, however, shows that such views are simplistic and unrealistic and that, instead, cancer and CHD are the product of many risk factors acting synergistically. Psychosocial factors (stress, personality) are six times as predictive as smoking, cholesterol level or blood pressure and much more responsive to prophylactic treatment. This book admits that, while smoking is a risk factor for cancer and CHD, its effects have been exaggerated. A more realistic appraisal of a very complex chain of events incorporating many diverse factors is given, and appropriate action to prevent cancer and coronary heart disease is discussed.

The title that the authors have chosen for this book, The Causes and Cures of Criminality, suggests that it may be just another book specu lating on the sociological evils that need to be put right for "everything in the garden to be lovely." If this is the expectation, the reader could not be more mistaken. The recurrent theme, in fact, is a strong accent on psychological experiments. Both authors have tackled the theoretical and practical side of crime through an exhaustive literature review of past experi mental work. Hans J. Eysenck has concentrated on the constitutional and biological theory of criminality, whereas Gisli Gudjonsson has con cerned himself more with a review of ongoing research into therapy and possible prevention of antisocial behavior. Part I goes into considerable detail on the causes of criminality, stressing much of the strangely neglected area of individual differences in personality. Research studies point to a very heavy involvement of heredity in the causation of criminality, but the authors are careful to acknowledge that much can be done environmentally to discourage a life of crime once those persons who are at risk have been identified."

In this book we have attempted to confront a number of issues that are intimately related to the theoretical basis of behavior therapy. We believe that behavior therapy is an extremely efficient procedure for the treatment of neurotic disorders; that it is based on certain principles derived from learning theory; and that it is unique in using basic scientific principles in psychology in the service of applied and practical ends. We believe that we are here dealing with much more than the advantageous use of serendipitous borrowings from nonexistent principles, the cookbook collection of precepts, methods, and working rules that happen to have lasting effects. We also believe that there is truly a general principle unde. rlying behavior therapy, rather than a varied mass of nonintegrated therapies that have little in common other than a name. These beliefs are often contes ted, but usually those who oppose them do so on the basis of misconceptions and misunderstandings that indicate a lack of knowledge of fundamental facts. It is the purpose of this book to remove these misconceptions and misunderstandings, and to bring up to date our knowledge in certain fundamental areas of learning theory, behavior therapy, and the biological foundations of per sonality and individual differences. There are three major groups of misconceptions and misunderstandings. The first of these relates to beliefs held by many psychiatrists and cognitive psychologists relating to behavior therapy."

In writing The Psychology of Politics, Hans Eysenck had two aims in mind: to write a book about modern developments in the field of attitude studies which would be intelligible to the layman; and one that would integrate into one consistent theoretical system a large number of contributions on the topic from different fields. Eysenck believes that science has something to say about such problems as anti-Semitism, the origin and growth of fascist and communist ideologies, the causal determinants of voting behavior, the structure of opinions and attitudes, and the relationship between politics and personality. He seeks to rescue these factual findings from the obscurity of technical journals and present them in a more accessible form. The research presented in this book outlines the main principles of organization and structure in the field of attitudes. These principles account in a remarkably complete and detailed manner for the systems of political organization found in Great Britain, that is, the Conservative, Liberal, and Socialist parties, and the communist and fascist groups. Next, Eysenck relates these principles to the system of personality structure which for many years formed the main focus of research activity at the Institute of Psychiatry in London. The Psychology of Politics integrates attitude research with modern learning theory. In his new introduction, Eysenck writes that his research and personal experiences in Germany led him to believe that authoritarianism could appear equally well on the left as on the right. He saw Stalin as equally authoritarian as Hitler, and communism as equally totalitarian as Nazism. The Psychology of Politics contains the evidence and arguments Eysenck used to demonstrate his approach. This volume is of enduring significance for psychologists, political theorists, and historians. It is by indirection a major statement in modern liberalism.

Originally published in 1969, this book deals extensively with the description and measurement of personality.

Beginning with a statement of the principles of typological research in psychology, set against the background of general taxonomic principles in biology, the study discusses in detail results and generalisations from the Eysencks previous work. The second part of the book describes several large-scale studies using personality questionnaires prepared by the authors, as well as the standard ones of Cattell and Guilford. There is a comparative study of the Eysenck, Cattell and Guilford inventories, which analyses the degree to which similar factors can be found in these three instruments and discusses areas of agreement and disagreement between the three authors. The third part deals with personality studies in children, and includes a chapter on personality structure in subnormal subjects. These studies are concerned with discovering the extent to which personality structure changes with increasing age, and to what extent it is possible to measure personality in younger children. They also examine sex differences in personality structure, and show quite marked differences between the sexes on a number of primary personality traits.

The results of the Eysencks work in this field directed new light on the structure of personality and cast doubt on many widely accepted findings of the time."

In writing The Psychology of Politics, Hans Eysenck had two aims in mind: to write a book about modern developments in the field of attitude studies which would be intelligible to the layman; and one that would integrate into one consistent theoretical system a large number of contributions on the topic from different fields. Eysenck believes that science has something to say about such problems as anti-Semitism, the origin and growth of fascist and communist ideologies, the causal determinants of voting behavior, the structure of opinions and attitudes, and the relationship between politics and personality. He seeks to rescue these factual findings from the obscurity of technical journals and present them in a more accessible form.

The research presented in this book outlines the main principles of organization and structure in the field of attitudes. These principles account in a remarkably complete and detailed manner for the systems of political organization found in Great Britain, that is, the Conservative, Liberal, and Socialist parties, and the communist and fascist groups. Next, Eysenck relates these principles to the system of personality structure which for many years formed the main focus of research activity at the Institute of Psychiatry in London.

The Psychology of Politics integrates attitude research with modern learning theory. In his new introduction, Eysenck writes that his research and personal experiences in Germany led him to believe that authoritarianism could appear equally well on the left as on the right. He saw Stalin as equally authoritarian as Hitler, and communism as equally totalitarian as Nazism. The Psychology of Politics contains the evidence and arguments Eysenck used to demonstrate his approach. This volume is of enduring significance for psychologists, political theorists, and historians. It is by indirection a major statement in modern liberalism.

Originally published in 1973 the editors of this book collected together those studies which had been considered at the time to yield the best evidence in support of Freudian theory, and found on close examination that they failed to provide any such proof. Each paper is printed in full and is followed by a critical discussion which raises questions of statistical treatment, sufficiency of controls and alternative interpretations. The particular usefulness of this format is that it allows readers to form their own opinions while providing helpful suggestions and guidelines on how to approach experimental studies with a critical mind.

Originally published in 1969, this book deals extensively with the description and measurement of personality. Beginning with a statement of the principles of typological research in psychology, set against the background of general taxonomic principles in biology, the study discusses in detail results and generalisations from the Eysencks' previous work. The second part of the book describes several large-scale studies using personality questionnaires prepared by the authors, as well as the standard ones of Cattell and Guilford. There is a comparative study of the Eysenck, Cattell and Guilford inventories, which analyses the degree to which similar factors can be found in these three instruments and discusses areas of agreement and disagreement between the three authors. The third part deals with personality studies in children, and includes a chapter on personality structure in subnormal subjects. These studies are concerned with discovering the extent to which personality structure changes with increasing age, and to what extent it is possible to measure personality in younger children. They also examine sex differences in personality structure, and show quite marked differences between the sexes on a number of primary personality traits. The results of the Eysencks' work in this field directed new light on the structure of personality and cast doubt on many widely accepted findings of the time.

In this book we have attempted to confront a number of issues that are intimately related to the theoretical basis of behavior therapy. We believe that behavior therapy is an extremely efficient procedure for the treatment of neurotic disorders; that it is based on certain principles derived from learning theory; and that it is unique in using basic scientific principles in psychology in the service of applied and practical ends. We believe that we are here dealing with much more than the advantageous use of serendipitous borrowings from nonexistent principles, the cookbook collection of precepts, methods, and working rules that happen to have lasting effects. We also believe that there is truly a general principle unde. rlying behavior therapy, rather than a varied mass of nonintegrated therapies that have little in common other than a name. These beliefs are often contes ted, but usually those who oppose them do so on the basis of misconceptions and misunderstandings that indicate a lack of knowledge of fundamental facts. It is the purpose of this book to remove these misconceptions and misunderstandings, and to bring up to date our knowledge in certain fundamental areas of learning theory, behavior therapy, and the biological foundations of per sonality and individual differences. There are three major groups of misconceptions and misunderstandings. The first of these relates to beliefs held by many psychiatrists and cognitive psychologists relating to behavior therapy."

The title that the authors have chosen for this book, The Causes and Cures of Criminality, suggests that it may be just another book specu lating on the sociological evils that need to be put right for "everything in the garden to be lovely." If this is the expectation, the reader could not be more mistaken. The recurrent theme, in fact, is a strong accent on psychological experiments. Both authors have tackled the theoretical and practical side of crime through an exhaustive literature review of past experi mental work. Hans J. Eysenck has concentrated on the constitutional and biological theory of criminality, whereas Gisli Gudjonsson has con cerned himself more with a review of ongoing research into therapy and possible prevention of antisocial behavior. Part I goes into considerable detail on the causes of criminality, stressing much of the strangely neglected area of individual differences in personality. Research studies point to a very heavy involvement of heredity in the causation of criminality, but the authors are careful to acknowledge that much can be done environmentally to discourage a life of crime once those persons who are at risk have been identified."

This book demonstrates that the phenomenon of suggestibility relates to far more psychological processes than just to hypnosis. Several well-known scientists investigate the psychological and psychophysiological characteristics of the perceptual and response processes involved in suggestibility. They try to establish a common theoetical basis for experimental and applied research; this is the first attempt to bring the theory, methodology, and results of different approaches together into a single volume. The contributions deal with definitions, biological and social mechanisms, causes and effects, and the process of suggestion. The authors - present new techniques for assessing sensory, motor, interrogative and hypnotic suggestibility; - describe psychophysiological correlates and susceptibility to hypnosis; - discuss types of "suggestive cues" inherent in social communication and - present data on the relationship of suggestion to attribution and expectation. It is shown that suggestibility, apart from its relationship to hypnosis, is a multifactorial phenomenon comprised of different partly uncorrelated facets. This volume gives easy access to the complex matter which up to now has been scattered across single publications in specialized subdisciplines of psychology.

It is generally and rightly considered a virtue in a teacher to observe accurately the differences in ability among his pupils, and to discover the direction in which the nature of each particularly inclines him. There is an incredible amount of variability in talent, and the forms of minds are no less varied than the forms of bodies Quintilian (70 A. D. ) There are many good books on Intelligence, such as Cattell's (1971) monumen tal and original contribution, or Matarazzo's (1972) careful and scholarly analy sis, or Butchers (1968) excellent introduction. Other outstanding contributions are mentioned in the course of this volume. This suggests that an author must have a good reason for venturing to offer another tome where so much is already available to satisfy even the most discriminating customer. There is indeed a powerful reason why the time may be ripe for another book on intelli is a very simple one: much has happened in recent years to gence. This reason alter our views on many issues which at one time looked like being closed. Hardly any of these advances have found a place in the books now available, and it seemed desirable to incorporate them in a new text which would be as up to-date as it is possible to be considering the inevitable delays in writing and publishing a textbook."

It is often suggested that the incidence of cancer and coronary heart disease could be much reduced or even eliminated if only people would stop smoking cigarettes and eat fewer high-cholesterol foods. The evidence, however, shows that such views are simplistic and unrealistic and that, instead, cancer and CHD are the product of many risk factors acting synergistically. Psychosocial factors (stress, personality) are six times as predictive as smoking, cholesterol level or blood pressure and much more responsive to prophylactic treatment. This book admits that, while smoking is a risk factor for cancer and CHD, its effects have been exaggerated. A more realistic appraisal of a very complex chain of events incorporating many diverse factors is given, and appropriate action to prevent cancer and coronary heart disease is discussed.

There are so many good textbooks in the field of this sense the book is more comparable to modern human psychology that anyone producing a new one textbooks of 'harder' sciences such as physics and must have a good excuse, ready to explain his physiology. Theories are considered important, but temerity. Our reason for bringing together the various only theories that are scientific in the sense that they authors who have contributed the chapters of this continuously interact with empirically derived facts. book is a very simple one. Most textbooks are written Theories which seldom make contact with facts (e. g. just for future professional psychologists, i. e. for Jung's theory of archetypes) are generally ignored. students who are going to adopt psychology as their There is one other point about which we would like to be explicit. Textbooks often state different theories life's work, and whose main area of concentration is psychology. These students are, of course, a very im regarding a particular phenomenon, or set of phenom portant group, yet psychology is becoming more and ena, without giving any opinion as to which of these more important to professionals in other fields as well theories might be judged superior to the others."

Originally published in 1973 the editors of this book collected together those studies which had been considered at the time to yield the best evidence in support of Freudian theory, and found on close examination that they failed to provide any such proof. Each paper is printed in full and is followed by a critical discussion which raises questions of statistical treatment, sufficiency of controls and alternative interpretations. The particular usefulness of this format is that it allows readers to form their own opinions while providing helpful suggestions and guidelines on how to approach experimental studies with a critical mind.

This book deals with one aspect of the modern, proof, and the deductions to which they give rise, and scientific study of intelligence, namely its measurement. the social aspect, which is concerned with the "good" or The term, measurement, has difficulties attached to it "evil" consequences which follow from the scientific which rival those attached to the term, intelligence; discovery or invention. Thus IQ testing would appear to many psychologists have little idea of what the word many people to give rise to desirable and "good" conse means, and what are the requirements which must be quences when it enables us to pick out bright "dis fulfilled in order to enable "measurement" to take advantaged" children for higher educational and place. Krantz, Luce, Suppes and Tversky (1971) have university training who would otherwise not have been tried to provide us with an introduction to the "Founda educated up to the level of their ability. On the other tions of Measurement"; these two volumes outline the hand, IQ testing would appear to many people to give background against which attempts to measure intelli rise to undesirable and "bad" consequences when it gence must be evaluated. * No short excerpt or set of enables trade unions to exclude coloured workers by the readings could suffice to bring home to the "innum imposition of unrealistic and irrelevant intellectual erate" reader the implications of scientific measurement, requirements for membership."

This book deals with the measurement of personality, in detail concerning the philosophical discussions of this much the same way as an earlier book dealt with the concept; the reader must be referred to Suppe's (1974) measurement of intelligence (Eysenck, 1973). In each book for this purpose. Immediately the reader will case the major part of the book consists of reprinted express a doubt. It is possible to argue that such a articles of particular interest and importance, organized paradigm exists in the field of intelligence, although into ten sections, and linked by short commentaries. In even that statement would be criticized by many each case, the intent is not to produce a textbook, or a psychologists; can it be argued that such a statement survey of all or many of the current approaches to the can seriously be made in the field of personality? There subject, or an eclectic conglomerate, but rather to try is indeed a marked difference of status; I would suggest and give a coherent impression of a scientific paradigm. that the paradigm of "intelligence" fashioned by Galton, Paradigms, as defined by Kuhn (1962), are "accepted Spearman, Burt, Thurstone and Binet is not exempt examples of actual scientific practice-examples which from criticism, but it does constitute a paradigm as include law, theory, application, and instrumentation defined by Kuhn.