British election campaigns are shaped not simply by what politicians do and say, but by how they are reported to the public through the mass media. This book examines the dialogue conducted via the press, television, advertising and the opinion polls beween politicians and the people in the 1997 campaign and its run-up. Special attention is paid to the innovations and changes that marked the 1997 campaign, including the Labour Party's Millbank communications machine, the Sun's endorsement of Labour, the political parties' strengthening grip of the campaign agenda, party campaigning on the Internet, the role of satellite TV, and changes of technique in the opinion polls. One expected innovation that failed to materialize - a television debate between the party leaders - is also explored.

The diverse violence of modern Britain is hardly new. The Britain of 1850 to 1950 was similarly afflicted. The book is divided into four parts.
'Getting Hurt' which looks at everyday violence in the home (including a chapter on infanticide).
'Uses and Rejections' two chapters on the use of violence within groups of men and women outside the home (for example, violence within youth gangs, and male violence centred around pubs).
'Going Public' three chapters on how violence was regulated by law and the professional agencies which were set up to deal with it.
'Perceptions and Representations' this final section looks at how violence was written about, using both fiction and non-fiction sources.
Throughout the book the recurring themes of gender, class, continuity and change, public/private, and experience, discourses and representations are highlighted.

This volume considers the emergence and development of modern retailing from an historical and management perspective in the period 1750-1950. The history of retail business development is an under researched area and these studies address the need for further research and provide examples of current research activity. the book considers, the early emergence of retail forms in the late 18th century, the evolution of retail forms in the 19th century and the late adaptation of retail innovation in the early 20th century.
This work brings together the literature from retail management as well as history. In this, it bridges the gap between the two disciplines. this gap in the understanding of the historical dimension within retail management studies and the understanding of retail management issues in history has hindered the development of valuable research in this area.

This volume, first published in 1975, is concerned with the politics of race relations; it is divided into theoretical, empirical and methodological studies together with an extensive bibliography. A key theme in this volume is to show how the study of race relations can advance beyond traditional micro-level analysis. In the opening paper Axford and Brier, concerned about the neglect of macro-level analysis, stress the need for conceptual frameworks which would help us to understand the place of racial conflict in the British political system. They suggest that elite political groups, otherwise in conflict, have by tacit consensus eliminated race from the national political agenda.

The diverse violence of modern Britain is hardly new. The Britain of 1850 to 1950 was similarly afflicted. The book is divided into four parts. 'Getting Hurt' which looks at everyday violence in the home (including a chapter on infanticide). 'Uses and Rejections' two chapters on the use of violence within groups of men and women outside the home (for example, violence within youth gangs, and male violence centred around pubs). 'Going Public' three chapters on how violence was regulated by law and the professional agencies which were set up to deal with it. 'Perceptions and Representations' this final section looks at how violence was written about, using both fiction and non-fiction sources. Throughout the book the recurring themes of gender, class, continuity and change, public/private, and experience, discourses and representations are highlighted.

This edited volume offers new insights into the populist wave that is affecting democratic politics in a large number of countries. The authoritarian populist turn that has developed in the US and various European countries in recent years both reflects and exacerbates the polarization of public opinion that increasingly characterizes democratic politics. The book seeks to explain how and why authoritarian populist opinion has developed and been mobilised in democratic countries. It also explores the implications of this growth in authoritarian, anti-immigrant sentiment for the operation of democratic politics in the future. It concludes that liberals may need to abandon their big-hearted internationalist instinct for open and unmanaged national borders and tacit indifference to illegal immigration. They should instead fashion a distinctively liberal position on immigration based on the socially progressive traditions of planning, public services, community cohesion and worker protection against exploitation. To do otherwise would be to provide the forces of illiberal authoritarianism with an opportunity to advance unparalleled since the 1930s and to destroy the extraordinary post-war achievements of the liberal democratic order.

This edited volume offers new insights into the populist wave that is affecting democratic politics in a large number of countries. The authoritarian populist turn that has developed in the US and various European countries in recent years both reflects and exacerbates the polarization of public opinion that increasingly characterizes democratic politics. The book seeks to explain how and why authoritarian populist opinion has developed and been mobilised in democratic countries. It also explores the implications of this growth in authoritarian, anti-immigrant sentiment for the operation of democratic politics in the future. It concludes that liberals may need to abandon their big-hearted internationalist instinct for open and unmanaged national borders and tacit indifference to illegal immigration. They should instead fashion a distinctively liberal position on immigration based on the socially progressive traditions of planning, public services, community cohesion and worker protection against exploitation. To do otherwise would be to provide the forces of illiberal authoritarianism with an opportunity to advance unparalleled since the 1930s and to destroy the extraordinary post-war achievements of the liberal democratic order.

This volume, first published in 1975, is concerned with the politics of race relations; it is divided into theoretical, empirical and methodological studies together with an extensive bibliography. A key theme in this volume is to show how the study of race relations can advance beyond traditional micro-level analysis. In the opening paper Axford and Brier, concerned about the neglect of macro-level analysis, stress the need for conceptual frameworks which would help us to understand the place of racial conflict in the British political system. They suggest that elite political groups, otherwise in conflict, have by tacit consensus eliminated race from the national political agenda.

With unrivalled political savvy and a keen sense of irony, distinguished political scientists Anthony King and Ivor Crewe open our eyes to the worst government horror stories and explain why the British political system is quite so prone to appalling mistakes.

First published in 1976, this classic volume of original essays constitutes a unique and comprehensive review of the approaches and assumptions that dominate the field of election studies and voting behavior. Critical reviews of theory and established research are combined with accounts of innovative and original studies of a variety of European countries, as well as in North America. Therefore this volume presents valuable comparative data and methodological insights, including statistical analyses of voting data and critical accounts of major approaches to the representation of voting and party competition. These include party identification (the socio-psychological approach); dimensional analysis (the production of party spaces based on social and political cleavages); and rational choice analysis (the interaction between voters and parties within a policy space). This edition includes a new introduction by Ian Budge and Ivor Crewe.

In what ways did the nature of party support, and the attitudes of the electorate to the parties, change in the 1970s? How volatile was the British electorate? Was the two-party system breaking down? What were the causes of the Conservative triumph in 1979? Basing their work on national surveys conducted by the British Election Study at the University of Essex after the elections of February and October 1974 and May 1979, Bo Sarlvik and Ivor Crewe examine the whole range of issues which formed the British political climate in this period. This 1983 book's focus is on the election of May 1979, but the analysis is placed in the context of changes in British politics that were signalled by the elections of 1974 as well as longer-term trends. This work provides a wealth of information for all who are interested in the recent history of British party politics and the ways in which people vote.

Over the past thirty years a wealth of statistical information about British voters and British elections has been collected by the British Election Studies research teams. The British Electorate, 1963-1992 makes these data available in a standard, easy-to-read format accessible to the non-technical user. Tables display the same data for each election, allowing the reader to compare any two elections between 1964 and 1992, or to trace trends across the whole period. The information presented covers a wide range of topics in voting and public opinion, including the vote, turnout, party membership, partisanship, and attitudes on issues such as abortion, capital punishment and nationalisation. Data on sub-groups of the electorate (men and women, young and old, trade unionists, the unemployed, Conservative and Labour voters etc) are also presented. This book will be an important reference for political and sociological researchers, both within academia and outside.

The results of British elections depend increasingly on what happens during the intensive four-week campaign, a period shaped not simply by what politicians do and say, but by how it is reported to the public through the mass media. This book, the fourth such collection on each election since 1979, examines the dialogue conducted via the press, television and the opinion polls between politicians and the people in the 1992 campaign. A mixture of academic research, expert experience and personal reflection, the chapters are written not only by academic scholars, but by professionals from the worlds of television, newspapers, polling and party organisation. The book will be of great interest not only to academic political scientists, but to politicians, journalists, market researchers and party workers - indeed, to all with an active interest in elections and the mass media in Britain.

The results of British elections depend increasingly on what happens during the intensive four-week campaign, a period shaped not simply by what politicians do and say, but by how it is reported to the public through the mass media. This book, the fourth such collection on each election since 1979, examines the dialogue conducted via the press, television and the opinion polls between politicians and the people in the 1992 campaign. A mixture of academic research, expert experience and personal reflection, the chapters are written not only by academic scholars, but by professionals from the worlds of television, newspapers, polling and party organisation. The book will be of great interest not only to academic political scientists, but to politicians, journalists, market researchers and party workers - indeed, to all with an active interest in elections and the mass media in Britain.

Launched on a wave of euphoria in 1981, the SDP aroused the hopes and enthusiasm of millions of people. Promising to break the mould of British politics, its leaders included four of the most respected figures in British public life - Roy Jenkins, David Owen, Bill Rodgers, and Shirley Williams. But the SDP failed. Despite winning with the Liberals a quarter of the vote in two general elections, by the autumn of 1987 it had disintegrated amidst acrimony and bitter in-fighting. This book, based on unprecedented access to the SDP's archive and extensive interviews with all the leading players, chronicles the party's short but turbulent history and analyses in detail the reasons for its early success and its ultimate demise.