"This book will surely be of interest not only to students in the field of comparative politics and comparative welfare regimes, but mor broadly to analysts of the complex relationship between civil society and the state." . American Journal of Sociology

"The book also provides a good overview of the historical influences that have shaped the current Swedish civil society, and offers insight into future challenges and opportunities. Rich in theoretical references, it is an essential resource in comparative studies of civil societies." . Voluntas

"Lars Tragardh's fascinating account of the Swedish model is an innovative addition to the body of scholarship on the relationship between state and civil society. The richness of the volume lies in its detailed theoretical discussion as well as extensive empirical insights on the interaction between state and civil society. The book invites the reader to be critical, reflective, and inquisitive in comprehending state-civil society interaction. This is an important book that carries the potential to attract a wide range of scholars in development studies in the social sciences and humanities...Written with sensitivity and scholarly perspicacity, the book has come on the scene at an appropriate time, especially when the issues of liberalization, privatization, globalization, participation, localization, and decentralization play a central role in influencing the contemporary political tradition of different nations." . Quarterly Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector

In the current neo-liberal political and economic climate, it is often suggested that a large and strong state stands in opposition to an autonomous and vibrant civil society. However, the simultaneous presence in Sweden of both a famously large public sector and an unusually vital civil society poses an interesting and important theoretical challenge to these views with serious political and policy implications. Studies show that in a comparative context Sweden scores very highly when it comes to the strength and vitality of its civil society as well as social capital, as measured in terms of trust, lack of corruption, and membership of voluntary associations. The "Swedish Model," therefore, offers important insights into the dynamics of state and civil society relations, which go against current trends of undermining the importance of the welfare state, and presents autonomous civic participation as the only way forward.

Lars Tragardh received his PhD in history from UC Berkeley and currently co-directs a research project concerning trust and state/civil society relations in Sweden at the Research Institute of Ersta Skondal University College in Stockholm. His most recent publications include (with co-editor Nina Witoszek) Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden (Berghahn Books, 2002), After National Democracy: Rights, Law and Power in America in the New Europe (Hart Publishing, 2004), and with Henrik Berggren Ar svensken manniska: Oberoende och gemenskap i det moderna Sverige (Norstedts, 2006).

It is often argued that Germany and Scandinavia stand at two opposite ends of a spectrum with regard to their response to social-economic disruptions and cultural challenges. Though, in many respects, they have a shared cultural inheritance, it is nevertheless the case that they mobilize different mythologies and different modes of coping when faced with breakdown and disorder.

It is at these "critical junctures", the authors argue, that points of crisis and innovation in the life communities that the tradition and identity of national and local communities are formed, polarized and revalued; it is here that social change takes a particular direction.

Since the emergence of the dissident OC parallel polisOCO in Eastern Europe, civil society has become a OC new superpower, OCO influencing democratic transformations, human rights, and international co-operation; co-designing economic trends, security and defense; reshaping the information society; and generating new ideas on the environment, health, and the OC good life.OCO This volume seeks to compare and reassess the role of civil society in the rich West, the poorer South, and the quickly expanding East in the context of the twenty-first centuryOCOs challenges. It presents a novel perspective on civic movements testing John KeaneOCOs notion of OC monitory democracyOCO: an emerging order of public scrutiny and monitoring of power."

Since the emergence of the dissident "parallel polis" in Eastern Europe, civil society has become a "new superpower," influencing democratic transformations, human rights, and international co-operation; co-designing economic trends, security and defense; reshaping the information society; and generating new ideas on the environment, health, and the "good life." This volume seeks to compare and reassess the role of civil society in the rich West, the poorer South, and the quickly expanding East in the context of the twenty-first century's challenges. It presents a novel perspective on civic movements testing John Keane's notion of "monitory democracy": an emerging order of public scrutiny and monitoring of power.

In the current neo-liberal political and economic climate, it is often suggested that a large and strong state stands in opposition to an autonomous and vibrant civil society. However, the simultaneous presence in Sweden of both a famously large public sector and an unusually vital civil society poses an interesting and important theoretical challenge to these views with serious political and policy implications. Studies show that in a comparative context Sweden scores very highly when it comes to the strength and vitality of its civil society as well as social capital, as measured in terms of trust, lack of corruption, and membership of voluntary associations. The "Swedish Model," therefore, offers important insights into the dynamics of state and civil society relations, which go against current trends of undermining the importance of the welfare state, and presents autonomous civic participation as the only way forward.

It is often argued that Germany and Scandinavia stand at two opposite ends of a spectrum with regard to their response to social-economic disruptions and cultural challenges. Though, in many respects, they have a shared cultural inheritance, it is nevertheless the case that they mobilize different mythologies and different modes of coping when faced with breakdown and disorder.

It is at these "critical junctures", the authors argue, that points of crisis and innovation in the life communities that the tradition and identity of national and local communities are formed, polarized and revalued; it is here that social change takes a particular direction.

The "imagined community" of the nation,which served as the affective basis for the post-French Revolution social contract, as well as its institutional counter-part, the welfare state, are currently under great stress as states lose control over what once was referred to as the "national economy" In this book a number of authors - historians, legal scholars, political theorists - consider the fate of national democracy in the age of globalization. In particular, the authors ask whether the order of European nation-states, with its emphasis on substantive democracy, is now, in the guise of the European Union, giving way to a more loosely constructed, often federalized system of procedural republics (partly constructed in the image of the United States). Is national parliamentary democracy being replaced by a politico-legal culture, where citizen action increasingly takes place in a transnational legal domain at the expense of traditional (and national) party politics? Is the notion of a nationally-bound citizen in the process of being superceded by a cosmopolitan legal subject?

In 2020 Sweden's response to COVID-19 drew renewed attention to the Nordic nation in a way that put the finger on a seeming paradox. Long celebrated for its commitment to social solidarity, Sweden suddenly emerged as the last country in the West to resist lockdown while defending individual rights and responsibilities. To explain these contradictions, Henrik Berggren and Lars Tragardh argue that the long-standing view of Sweden's welfare state as the result of socialist collectivism is flawed. While social values have been and remain strong, they have co-existed with a radical form of individualism. The English edition of the Swedish bestseller AEr svensken manniska?, The Swedish Theory of Love examines a political culture that stresses individual autonomy on the one hand and trust in the state on the other. Delving into Swedish philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, literary criticism, and political science, the book moves beyond the perspective of rational social engineering to uncover the moral logic behind Sweden's welfare state: the notion that human relationships based on dependency and subordination lead to inauthenticity and that equality and autonomy are preconditions for genuine love and affection.

In 2020 Sweden's response to COVID-19 drew renewed attention to the Nordic nation in a way that put the finger on a seeming paradox. Long celebrated for its commitment to social solidarity, Sweden suddenly emerged as the last country in the West to resist lockdown while defending individual rights and responsibilities. To explain these contradictions, Henrik Berggren and Lars Tragardh argue that the long-standing view of Sweden's welfare state as the result of socialist collectivism is flawed. While social values have been and remain strong, they have co-existed with a radical form of individualism. The English edition of the Swedish bestseller AEr svensken manniska?, The Swedish Theory of Love examines a political culture that stresses individual autonomy on the one hand and trust in the state on the other. Delving into Swedish philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, literary criticism, and political science, the book moves beyond the perspective of rational social engineering to uncover the moral logic behind Sweden's welfare state: the notion that human relationships based on dependency and subordination lead to inauthenticity and that equality and autonomy are preconditions for genuine love and affection.

The "imagined community" of the nation, which served as the affective basis for the post-French Revolution social contract, as well as its institutional counterpart, the welfare state, is currently under great stress as states lose control over what once was referred to as the "national economy." In this book a number of authors - historians, legal scholars, political theorists - consider the fate of national democracy in the age of globalization. In particular, the authors ask whether the order of European nation-states, with its emphasis on substantive democracy, is now, in the guise of the European Union, giving way to a more loosely constructed, often federalized system of procedural republics (partly constructed in the image of the United States). Is national parliamentary democracy being replaced by a politico-legal culture, where citizen action increasingly takes place in a transnational legal domain at the expense of traditional (and national) party politics? Is the notion of a nationally-bound citizen in the process of being superceded by a cosmopolitan legal subject?