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Employing history, social theory, and a detailed contemporary case
study, Knowledge for Social Change argues for fundamentally
reshaping research universities to function as democratic, civic,
and community-engaged institutions dedicated to advancing learning
and knowledge for social change. The authors focus on significant
contributions to learning made by Francis Bacon, Benjamin Franklin,
Seth Low, Jane Addams, William Rainey Harper, and John Dewey-as
well as their own work at Penn's Netter Center for Community
Partnerships-to help create and sustain democratically-engaged
colleges and universities for the public good. Knowledge for Social
Change highlights university-assisted community schools to effect a
thoroughgoing change of research universities that will contribute
to more democratic schools, communities, and societies. The authors
also call on democratic-minded academics to create and sustain a
global movement dedicated to advancing learning for the "relief of
man's estate"-an iconic phrase by Francis Bacon that emphasized the
continued betterment of the human condition-and to realize Dewey's
vision of an organic "Great Community" composed of participatory,
democratic, collaborative, and interdependent societies.
Employing history, social theory, and a detailed contemporary case
study, Knowledge for Social Change argues for fundamentally
reshaping research universities to function as democratic, civic,
and community-engaged institutions dedicated to advancing learning
and knowledge for social change. The authors focus on significant
contributions to learning made by Francis Bacon, Benjamin Franklin,
Seth Low, Jane Addams, William Rainey Harper, and John Dewey-as
well as their own work at Penn's Netter Center for Community
Partnerships-to help create and sustain democratically-engaged
colleges and universities for the public good. Knowledge for Social
Change highlights university-assisted community schools to effect a
thoroughgoing change of research universities that will contribute
to more democratic schools, communities, and societies. The authors
also call on democratic-minded academics to create and sustain a
global movement dedicated to advancing learning for the "relief of
man's estate"-an iconic phrase by Francis Bacon that emphasized the
continued betterment of the human condition-and to realize Dewey's
vision of an organic "Great Community" composed of participatory,
democratic, collaborative, and interdependent societies.
Jacksonian Democracy has become almost a commonplace in American
history. But in this penetrating analysis of one state-its voting
cycles, party makeup, and social, ethnic, and religious
patterns-Lee Benson shows that the concept bears little or no
relation to New York history during the Jacksonian period. New York
voters between 1816 and 1844 did not follow the traditional
distinctions between Whigs and Democrats. Ethnic and religious ties
were stronger social forces than income, occupation, and
environment. Mr. Benson's examination suggests a new theory of
American voting behavior and a reconsideration of other local
studies during this period. Originally published in 1961. The
Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology
to again make available previously out-of-print books from the
distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These
editions preserve the original texts of these important books while
presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The
goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access
to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books
published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Jacksonian Democracy has become almost a commonplace in American
history. But in this penetrating analysis of one state-its voting
cycles, party makeup, and social, ethnic, and religious
patterns-Lee Benson shows that the concept bears little or no
relation to New York history during the Jacksonian period. New York
voters between 1816 and 1844 did not follow the traditional
distinctions between Whigs and Democrats. Ethnic and religious ties
were stronger social forces than income, occupation, and
environment. Mr. Benson's examination suggests a new theory of
American voting behavior and a reconsideration of other local
studies during this period. Originally published in 1961. The
Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology
to again make available previously out-of-print books from the
distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These
editions preserve the original texts of these important books while
presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The
goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access
to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books
published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Mexico and the United States each have a constitution and a federal
system of government. This fact has led many historians to assume
that the Mexican system of government, established in the 1820s, is
an imitation of the U.S. model. But it is not. In this
interpretation of the independence movement, Nettie Lee Benson
tells the true story of Mexico's transition from colonial status to
a federal state. She traces the Mexican government's beginning to
events in Spain in 1808-1810, when provincial juntas, or
deputations, were established to oppose Napoleon's French rule and
govern the country during the Spanish monarch's imprisonment. These
provincial deputations proved so popular that ultimately they
became the established form of government throughout the provinces
of Spain and its New World dominions. It was the provincial
deputation, not the United States federal system, that provided the
model for the state legislative bodies that were eventually formed
after Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821. This
finding-the result of years of painstaking archival
research-strongly confirms the independence of Mexico's political
development from U.S. influence. Its importance to a study of
Mexican history cannot be overstated.
Few developments in the history of the Spanish colonial system in
Mexico have been more carelessly treated or more often
misinterpreted than the attempt to establish constitutional
government in New Spain under the Spanish monarchy during the
1809–1814 and 1820–1822 periods. Yet the broad outlines of the
Mexican constitutional system were laid then, largely through the
insistent efforts of the Mexican deputies to the Cortes, the
Spanish legislative body. Some of the delegates also grasped this
opportunity to inform their countrymen and train them in the
effectiveness of parliamentary debate and resolution as a more
intelligent road to democratic and representative government. The
70 Mexican deputies (of the 160 elected) who actively participated
in the sessions of the Cortes either helped draw up the
Constitution of 1812, which initiated provisions for many needed
reforms relating to military, religious, economic, educational,
judicial, and governmental affairs in Mexico, or contributed to the
enabling acts consequent to these provisions. The prime reason for
calling the Cortes, however, and especially for inviting the
participation of the Mexicans, was to attempt to maintain New
Spain’s loyalty to the mother country, an unrealized objective in
the long run, although much constructive discussion of this goal
was offered by the Mexican delegates. These eight essays trace the
establishment and implementation of the Mexican electoral system,
both national and municipal, and of reforms in the economic,
journalistic, religious, and military systems. They serve as an
informative introduction to the revolutionary role the Cortes of
Spain played in Mexican history and as a record of the contribution
of Mexican delegates to the beginning of liberal reform in their
country.
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