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We live in a time of crises - economic turmoil, workplace
disempowerment, unresponsive government, environmental degradation,
social disintegration, and international rivalry. In The 99 Percent
Economy, Paul S. Adler, a leading expert on business management,
argues that these crises are destined to deepen unless we radically
transform our economy. But despair is not an option, and Adler
provides a compelling alternative: democratic socialism. He argues
that to overcome these crises we need to assert democratic control
over the management of both individual enterprises and the entire
national economy. To show how that would work, he draws on a
surprising source of inspiration: the strategic management
processes of many of our largest corporations. In these companies,
the strategy process promises to involve and empower workers and to
ensure efficiency and innovation. In practice, this promise is
rarely realized, but in principle, that process could be
consolidated within enterprises and it could be scaled-up to the
national level. Standing in the way? Private ownership of society's
productive resources, which is the foundation of capitalism's
ruthless competition and focus on private gain at the cost of
society, the environment, and future generations. Adler shows how
socialized, public ownership of our resources will enable
democratic councils at the local and national levels to decide on
our economic, social, and environmental goals and on how to reach
them. The growing concentration of industry makes this
socialization step ever easier. Democratic socialism is not a leap
into the unknown, Adler shows. Capitalist industry has built the
foundations for a world beyond capitalism and its crises.
This volume explores the changing nature of community in modern
corporations. Community within and between firms--the fabric of
trust so essential to contemporary business--has long been based on
loyalty. This loyalty has been largely destroyed by three decades
of economic turbulence, downsizing and restructuring. Yet community
is more important than ever in an increasingly complex,
knowledge-intensive economy. The thesis of this volume is that a
new form of community is slowly emerging--one that is more flexible
and wider in scope than the community of loyalty, and that
transcends the limitations of both traditional Gemeinschaft and
modern Gesellschaft. We call this form 'collaborative community'.
The trend towards collaborative community is difficult to detect
amidst the ferocious forces of market and bureaucratic
rationalization. But close analysis of some of America's most
successful corporations reveals three dimensions of the emerging
form:
DT A shared ethic of interdependent contribution: distinct from
the uneasy mix of loyalty and individualism that prevailed for so
long;
DT A formalized set of norms of interdependent process management
that include iterative co-design, metaphoric search, and systematic
mutual understanding: distinct from both rigid authority
hierarchies and informal log-rolling;
DT An interdependent social identity that supports these
organizational features: distinct from both dependent,
traditionalistic identities and the independence of the autonomous
self that is often associated with Western culture.
This volume is a collaborative effort of leading scholars in
organization studies to delineate the new form of community and
theforces encouraging and constraining it's growth. The
contributors combine sociology and psychology theory with detailed
analysis of business cases at the firm and inter-firm level.
We live in a time of crises - economic turmoil, workplace
disempowerment, unresponsive government, environmental degradation,
social disintegration, and international rivalry. In The 99 Percent
Economy, Paul S. Adler, a leading expert on business management,
argues that these crises are destined to deepen unless we radically
transform our economy. But despair is not an option, and Adler
provides a compelling alternative: democratic socialism. He argues
that to overcome these crises we need to assert democratic control
over the management of both individual enterprises and the entire
national economy. To show how that would work, he draws on a
surprising source of inspiration: the strategic management
processes of many of our largest corporations. In these companies,
the strategy process promises to involve and empower workers and to
ensure efficiency and innovation. In practice, this promise is
rarely realized, but in principle, that process could be
consolidated within enterprises and it could be scaled-up to the
national level. Standing in the way? Private ownership of society's
productive resources, which is the foundation of capitalism's
ruthless competition and focus on private gain at the cost of
society, the environment, and future generations. Adler shows how
socialized, public ownership of our resources will enable
democratic councils at the local and national levels to decide on
our economic, social, and environmental goals and on how to reach
them. The growing concentration of industry makes this
socialization step ever easier. Democratic socialism is not a leap
into the unknown, Adler shows. Capitalist industry has built the
foundations for a world beyond capitalism and its crises.
This volume explores the changing nature of community in modern
corporations. Community within and between firms - the fabric of
trust so essential to contemporary business - has long been based
on loyalty. This loyalty has been largely destroyed by three
decades of economic turbulence, downsizing, and restructuring. Yet
community is more important than ever in an increasingly complex,
knowledge-intensive economy. The thesis of this volume is that a
new form of community is slowly emerging - one that is more
flexible and wider in scope than the community of loyalty, and that
transcends the limitations of both traditional Gemeinschaft and
modern Gesellschaft. We call this form collaborative community.
The trend towards collaborative community is difficult to detect
amidst the ferocious forces of market and bureaucratic
rationalization. But close analysis of some of America's most
successful corporations reveals three dimensions of the emerging
form:
DT a shared ethic of interdependent contribution: distinct from
the uneasy mix of loyalty and individualism that prevailed for so
long;
DT a formalized set of norms of interdependent process management
that include iterative co-design, metaphoric search, and systematic
mutual understanding: distinct from both rigid authority
hierarchies and informal log-rolling;
DT An interdependent social identity that supports these
organizational features: distinct from both dependent,
traditionalistic identities and the independence of the autonomous
self that is often associated with Western culture.
This volume is a collaborative effort of leading scholars in
organization studies to delineate the new form of community and
theforces encouraging and constraining its growth. The contributors
combine sociology and psychology theory with detailed analysis of
business cases at the firm and inter-firm level.
Amid the mass protests of the 1960s, another, less heralded
political force arose: public interest progressivism. Led by
activists like Ralph Nader, organizations of lawyers and experts
worked "inside the system." They confronted corporate power and
helped win major consumer and environmental protections. By the
late 1970s, some public interest groups moved beyond U.S. borders
to challenge multinational corporations. This happened at the same
time that neoliberalism, a politics of empowerment for big
business, gained strength in the U.S. and around the world. No
Globalization Without Representation is the story of how consumer
and environmental activists became significant players in U.S. and
world politics at the twentieth century's close. NGOs like Friends
of the Earth and Public Citizen helped forge a progressive
coalition that lobbied against the emerging neoliberal world order
and in favor of what they called "fair globalization." From
boycotting Nestle in the 1970s to lobbying against NAFTA to the
"Battle of Seattle" protests against the World Trade Organization
in the 1990s, these groups have made a profound mark. This book
tells their stories while showing how public interest groups helped
ensure that a version of liberalism willing to challenge corporate
power did not vanish from U.S. politics. Public interest groups
believed that preserving liberalism at home meant confronting
attempts to perpetuate conservative policies through global
economic rules. No Globalization Without Representation also
illuminates how professionalized organizations became such a
critical part of liberal activism-and how that has affected the
course of U.S. politics to the present day.
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