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The Broken Branch offers both a brilliant diagnosis of the cause of
Congressional decline and a much-needed blueprint for change, from
two experts who understand politics and revere our institutions,
but believe that Congress has become deeply dysfunctional. Mann and
Ornstein, two of the nation's most renowned and judicious scholars
of government and politics, bring to light the historical roots of
Congress's current maladies, examining 40 years of uninterrupted
Democratic control of the House and the stunning midterm election
victory of 1994 that propelled Republicans into the majority in
both House and Senate. The byproduct of that long and grueling but
ultimately successful Republican campaign, the authors reveal, was
a weakened institution bitterly divided between the parties. They
highlight the dramatic shift in Congress from a highly
decentralized, committee-based institution into a much more
regimented one in which party increasingly trumps committee. The
resultant changes in the policy process-the demise of regular
order, the decline of deliberation, and the weakening of our system
of checks and balances-have all compromised the role of Congress in
the American Constitutional system. From tax cuts to the war
against Saddam Hussein to a Medicare prescription drug benefit, the
Legislative process has been bent to serve immediate presidential
interests and have often resulted in poorly crafted and stealthily
passed laws. Strong majority leadership in Congress, the authors
conclude, led not to a vigorous exertion of congressional authority
but to a general passivity in the face of executive power.
"Vital Statistics on Congress" remains the quintessential
source of authoritative information on America's legislature. This
important series tracks the elements that define and describe
Congress in the post?World War II era, and in this new edition,
three of America's most esteemed political analysts extend their
examination through the 109th Congress. They combine historical
context with insightful analysis and copious data to produce a
valuable and authoritative picture of the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives. Norman Ornstein, Thomas Mann, and Michael Malbin
track the changing makeup of Congress through history and across
several dimensions, such as region, party, occupation, religion,
committee assignments, staff size, and political stances. They
document trends in critical areas such as voter turnout, ticket
splitting, incumbency and turnover, and margin of victory. The
authors, acknowledged experts in campaign finance, provide detailed
information on candidate, party, and PAC spending. The material
presented in l "Statistics on Congress 2008 rev r"eveals a
fascinating and important picture of America's chosen
representatives, as politicians and as people. It will be an
important addition to the bookshelves of media, political
professionals, scholars and their students, and political junkies
everywhere.
"The legitimacy of the American electoral system depends on
sustaining reasonable levels of fairness, accountability,
responsiveness, and common sense. Recent Congressional elections
fly in the face of those requirements, however, with a startling
lack of competition, growing ideological polarization, and a fierce
struggle between the parties to manipulate the electoral rules of
the game. Party Lines addresses these problems head on in an
authoritative and timely analysis of redistricting in the United
States. The practice of state legislatures redrawing district lines
after the decennial census has long been a controversial aspect of
our governing system. Recent developments have added new urgency to
earlier debates. The sorry spectacle of mid-decade partisan
gerrymandering in Texas renewed public attention to the potential
problems of redistricting, reinforcing the view that it is unfairly
dominated by self-serving elected officials and parties. The
perfunctory character of Congressional elections is another growing
problem-in 2002, only four House incumbents were defeated in the
general election, the lowest in American history. Despite a hotly
contested presidential contest in 2004, that number increased by
only three. In Pa rty Lines, eminent political analysts explain the
legal and political history of redistricting since the one
person-one vote revolution in the 1960s and place it in the larger
context of American politics. The authors document the impact of
redistricting on competition, polarization, and partisan fairness,
and they assess the role technology played in the redistricting
process. The final chapter analyzes options for reform, including
most importantly the use of independent redistricting commissions
as an alternative to the normal state legislative process.
Redistricting reform is no panacea but it is a start toward
ensuring that American voters still have the largest say in who
will represent them. Contributors include Micah Altman (Harvard
Universtity), Bruce Cain and Karin MacDonald (University of
California, Berkeley),Cherie Maestas (Texas Tech), Sandy Maisel
(Colby College), Thomas Mann (Brookings), Michael McDonald (George
Mason University), Nathaniel Persily (University of Pennsylvania ),
and Walter Stone (University of California, Davis). "
The devastating and politically consequential defeat of President
Clinton's comprehensive health plan in Congress has unleashed a
torrent of speculation over " who or what killed reform." One class
of explanation deals with the institutional arrangements by which
policy is made in the United States and, more specifically, with
the rules and organization of Congress. This volume weighs the
importance of Congress in the failure to enact health reform by
examining more broadly how Congress shapes health policy--on
matters ranging from ambitious plans to achieve universal health
insurance coverage to annual appropriations for public health
agencies. Part One examines how Congress has organized and equipped
itself to make health policy. Individual chapters consider how
committee jurisdictions, budgeting procedures, information, and
oversight influence health policymaking. Part Two uses recent
health policy episodes--the 1988-89 adoption and repeal of Medicare
catastrophic coverage and the 1993-94 failure to pass national
health reform--to generalize about how process shapes policy. This
book is a product of the Renewing Congress Project, a joint
undertaking of the Brookings Institution and the American
Enterprise Institute. The contributors include C. Lawrence Evans,
College of William and Mary; Mark Nadel, General Accounting Office;
Julie Rovner, freelance health policy writer; and Allen Schick and
Joseph White, Brookings. Copublished with the American Enterprise
Institute
In recent years Congress has been in a state of siege. The healthy
skepticism that had long characterized public attitudes toward
Congress degenerated into corrosive cynicism. The reservoir of
support among political elites appears to have collapsed as well.
Part of the explanation for this growing public hostility lies in
objective conditions: stagnant wages, huge budget deficits,
sustained divided government, scandals and deadlock on Capitol
Hill. But another important factor may be how Congress is presented
to and interpreted for the broader public. This book explores the
connections between Congress, the press, and the public. Public
opinion scholars analyze historical data to discern trends in and
sources of public hostility toward Congress. Media specialists
examine patterns of congressional coverage in national print and
television news and attitudes toward Congress among producers,
editors, and reporters. And students of Congress explore the tools
and techniques leaders and rank-and-file members use in presenting
themselves and their institution to the public. The book concludes
by assessing the role the media plays in presenting Congress to the
public and what the media and Congress might do to improve public
understanding. The contributors are Herb Asher and Michael Barr,
Ohio State University; Karlyn Bowman and Kimberly Coursen, the
American Enterprise Institute; Ronald D. Elving, Congressional
Quarterly; Stephen Hess, Brookings; Karl Kurtz, National Conference
of State Legislatures; Everett Carll Ladd, The Roper Center; Robert
Lichter, Center for Media and Public Policy; and Mark J. Rozell,
Mary Washington College. This book is the third in a series by the
Renewing CongressProject, a joint effort of the American Enterprise
Institute and the Brookings Institution. The previous volumes are
Renewing Congress: A First Report and Renewing Congress: A Second
Report.
Public opinion pools have become staples of contemporary political
reporting, and most national news organizations have sophisticated
in-house polling operations. The increased number and quality of
polls conducted and reported by the press give the public a chance
to help see the agendas of campaigns and define the meaning of
elections. Yet competition and the need for fast responses to
events often lead news organizations to misuse polls in a way that
diminishes rather than enhances democracy. Polls can shape public
opinion as well as describe it; they can set the news agenda and
influence the coverage of political events in ways hostile to a
constructive dialogue between citizens and their leaders. In this
volume, media specialist and well-known reporters provide a
comprehensive survey of the problems and possibilities of polling
by media organizations in the 1990s and beyond. Thomas Mann and
Gary Orren analyze the strengths and weaknesses of media polls and
their impact on American politics. Everett Carll Ladd and John
Benson discuss the extraordinary growth of polling in news
organizations for the past two decades. Kathleen Frankovic
addresses the tension between the needs of news organizations for
quick results and the need to preserve the standards of survey
research. Henry Brady and Gary Orren examine the most serious
methodological problems with news media polls. Michael Kagay
explores the sources of well-publicized variability in poll
findings. Michael Traugott considers the complicated question of
how polls influence the public and whether their effects are benign
or harmful. Finally, E. J. Dionne, Jr. examines media
organizations' obsession with polls and the impact polls have on
reporters. The authors offer recommendations for improving the
conduct and use of media polls so that citizens can make better
informed and enlightened decisions about the public agenda.
The 2008 presidential nominations were unprecedented in many ways.
Marking another step in the democratization of the selection
process and a surprising loss of control by party elites, the
contests in both parties were unusually competitive and the
outcomes belied the predictions of experts. This book offers a
fresh look at the role of parties, the constraints of campaign
finance, the status of front-runners, and the significance of
rules, race, and gender in the post-reform era. In this volume,
leading scholars assess the state of the process with original
research about money, scheduling, superdelegates, and the role of
race and gender in voting. Original analyses show how changes in
campaign finance and the scheduling of primaries and caucuses
helped determined the outcomes in both parties. Race, once thought
of as a handicap, proved an asset for the Obama campaign. 2008
marked another milestone in the democratization of the nominations
process with expanded participation by rank and file voters in
donating money, voting, and using the Internet. This timely book
provides a glimpse into the future of party nominations and
elections.
In 2002 Congress enacted the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA),
the first major revision of federal campaign finance law in a
generation. In March 2001, after a fiercely contested and highly
divisive seven-year partisan legislative battle, the Senate passed
S. 27, known as the McCain-Feingold legislation. The House
responded by passing H.R. 2356, companion legislation known as
Shays-Meehan, in February 2002. The Senate then approved the
House-passed version, and President George W. Bush signed BCRA into
law on March 27, 2002, stating that the bill had "flaws" but
overall "improves the current system of financing for federal
campaigns." The Reform Act was taken to court within hours of the
President's signature. Dozens of interest groups and lawmakers who
had opposed passage of the Act in Congress lodged complaints that
challenged the constitutionality of virtually every aspect of the
new law. Following review by a special three-judge panel, the case
is expected to reach the U.S. Supreme Court in 2003. This
litigation constitutes the most important campaign finance case
since the Supreme Court issued its decision in Buckley v. Valeo
more than twenty-five years ago. The testimony, submitted by some
of the country's most knowledgeable political scientists and most
experienced politicians, constitutes an invaluable body of
knowledge about the complexities of campaign finance and the role
of money in our political system. Unfortunately, only the lawyers,
political scientists, and practitioners actually involved in the
litigation have seen most of this writing -until now. Inside the
Campaign Finance Battle makes key testimony in this historic case
available to a general readership, in the process shedding new
light on campaign finance practices central to the congressional
debate on the reform act and to the landmark litigation challenging
its constitutionality.
This volume pulls together key documents--statutes, court
decisions, FEC advisory opinions, draft legislation--and scholarly
articles that are essential references for any informed discussion
of campaign finance reform. Each chapter includes a set of
reprinted materials preceded by an explanation of the relevant
issues by the editors. Topics include the history of federal
statutes on campaign finance; major Supreme Court decisions; the
constitutional contours of the current debate; a roadmap to the
present rules of the game; political action committees; national
parties; hard and soft money; express and issue advocacy; enforcing
campaign finance law; and recent innovations and proposals. The
volume is designed to help reformers and interested citizens
understand how current campaign finance practices have evolved from
previous decisions made by legislative, judicial, and executive
bodies and what might be entailed in moving the system in a desired
direction. Each of the editors has extensive practical experience
in the field of campaign finance.
It is not uncommon to hear that poor school performance, welfare
dependancy, youth unemployment, and criminal activity result more
from shortcomings in the personal makeup of individuals than from
societal forces beyond their control. Are American values declining
as so many suggest? And are those values at the root of many social
problems today? Shaped by experience and public policies, people's
values and social norms do change. What role can or should a
democratic government play in shaping values? And how do these
values conditon the efficacy of public policy? In this book, six
distinguished social scientists identify trends in America's values
and their consequences, and consider public policy tools with which
some of those values might be changed. Daniel Yankelovich begins
with a discussion of how American values have shifted in the last
half-century, and argues that affluence is the driving force behind
these changes in values. James Q. Wilson argues that destructive
habits which can lead to social pathologies, like crime and drug
use, are set early in life; he examines how public policy might
intervene when children are young to promote better values. David
Popenoe maintains that America has veered too far towards
industrialist values, and explores the resulting decline of
families and many attendant social ills. Nathan Glazer describes
the history and present status of the dispute over multicultural
education. Jane Mansbridge examines the process of building
cooperation, consensus, and public spirit. And George Akerlof and
Janet L. Yellen discuss the problem of gang criminality. Inthe
past, social scientists have often sidestepped questions about
values as undefinable, unquantifiable, and somehow unscientific.
The essays in this volume address these questions at last. Henry J.
Aaron, director of the Economic Studies program at Brookings, is
the authorof numerous books, including most recently Serious and
Unstable Condition: Financing America's Health Care (1991), and
coeditor of Setting Domestic Priorities (1992). Thomas E. Mann is
director of the Brookings Governmental Studies program, coeditor of
Media Polls in American Politics (1992), and coauthor of the
Renewing Congress series (1993). Timothy Taylor is managing editor
of the Journal of Economic Perspectives at Stanford University.
American democracy was never supposed to give the nation a
president like Donald Trump. We have never had a president who gave
rise to such widespread alarm about his lack of commitment to the
institutions of self-government, to the norms democracy requires,
and to the need for basic knowledge about how government works. We
have never had a president who raises profound questions about his
basic competence and his psychological capacity to take on the most
challenging political office in the world. Yet if Trump is both a
threat to our democracy and a product of its weaknesses, the
citizen activism he has inspired is the antidote. The reaction to
the crisis created by Trump's presidency can provide the foundation
for an era of democratic renewal and vindicate our long experiment
in self-rule. The award-winning authors of One Nation After Trump
explain Trump's rise and the danger his administration poses to our
free institutions. They also offer encouragement to the millions of
Americans now experiencing a new sense of citizenship and
engagement and argue that our nation needs a unifying alternative
to Trump's dark and divisive brand of politics - an alternative
rooted in a New Economy, a New Patriotism, a New Civil Society, and
a New Democracy. One Nation After Trump is the essential book for
our era, an unsparing assessment of the perils facing the United
States and an inspiring roadmap for how we can reclaim the future.
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