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Ideocracies, or ideological dictatorships, such as the "Third Reich", the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China have, much more than any other kinds of autocracy, characterized the history of the 20th century. Despite their undeniable loss of significance, ideocracies have not disappeared from the world in the 21st century. This book explores the functioning of ideocracies and analyses the typical interplay of legitimation, co-optation and repression which autocratic elites use in an attempt to stabilize their rule. In the first part of the book, the contributors discuss the conceptual history of the ideocracy notion. The second part offers case studies pertaining to the Soviet State, Italy, the National Socialist Regime, the German Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of China, North Korea and Cuba. Finally, the third part compares various ideocracies and draws together key themes. Uniting the perspectives of history, philosophy and political science through the use of case studies and systematic comparisons, this book offers a unique examination of ideocracies both past and present which will be of interest to students and scholars researching political regimes, political history and comparative politics, as well as other disciplines.
The Western tradition of the constitutional state, with its ancient roots, defines political extremes as the epitome of that what must be absolutely rejected. It highlights tyranny, despotism, despotic rule, non-autonomy, ruthless enforcing of interests as 'extreme', contrasting this to a virtuous mean which guarantees moderation. In this volume, the culmination of twenty years of extensive research, Uwe Backes provides a conceptual history of the notions "extreme" and "extremism" from antiquity to the present day. The terminological history of political extremes had been related for more then two millennia with the term mesotes used in the Aristotelian ethics and the theory of mixed constitution. Both doctrines influenced the republicanism of the North Italian city states and later the United States of America as well as British parliamentarism. The positions of moderation and extremes were not joined until the course of the French Revolution with the distinction of right- and left-wing, and this is how it still exists today in the intellectual-political geography. This unique source based study reconstructs these developments from ancient times to the present. Tracing the history of the concept of political extremism from Ancient Greece to the present day, this is an invaluable resource for scholars of democracy, extremism and political sociology.
The Western tradition of the constitutional state, with its ancient roots, defines political extremes as the epitome of that what must be absolutely rejected. It highlights tyranny, despotism, despotic rule, non-autonomy, ruthless enforcing of interests as extreme, contrasting this to a virtuous mean which guarantees moderation. In this volume, the culmination of twenty years of extensive research, Uwe Backes provides a conceptual history of the notions "extreme" and "extremism" from antiquity to the present day. The terminological history of political extremes had been related for more then two millennia with the term mesot?'s used in the Aristotelian ethics and the theory of mixed constitution. Both doctrines influenced the republicanism of the North Italian city states and later the United States of America as well as British parliamentarism. The positions of moderation and extremes were not joined until the course of the French Revolution with the distinction of right- and left-wing, and this is how it still exists today in the intellectual-political geography. This unique source based study reconstructs these developments from ancient times to the present. Tracing the history of the concept of political extremism from Ancient Greece to the present day, this is an invaluable resource for scholars of democracy, extremism and political sociology.
Ideocracies, or ideological dictatorships, such as the "Third Reich", the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China have, much more than any other kinds of autocracy, characterized the history of the 20th century. Despite their undeniable loss of significance, ideocracies have not disappeared from the world in the 21st century. This book explores the functioning of ideocracies and analyses the typical interplay of legitimation, co-optation and repression which autocratic elites use in an attempt to stabilize their rule. In the first part of the book, the contributors discuss the conceptual history of the ideocracy notion. The second part offers case studies pertaining to the Soviet State, Italy, the National Socialist Regime, the German Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of China, North Korea and Cuba. Finally, the third part compares various ideocracies and draws together key themes. Uniting the perspectives of history, philosophy and political science through the use of case studies and systematic comparisons, this book offers a unique examination of ideocracies both past and present which will be of interest to students and scholars researching political regimes, political history and comparative politics, as well as other disciplines.
This work deals not only with the well-organized right extremism in modern Europe as well as with its function in proper political parties, but equally includes two additional, broader approaches: the militant branches and subcultures that exist, including some paramilitary phenomena in Eastern Europe; and the broad realm of their political ideas and cultural trends and the influence they exert on European political culture. German description: Hier werden in mehrfacher Hinsicht neue Akzente gesetzt: Erstens sind alle Beitrage vergleichend angelegt und uberschreiten den nationalen Rahmen. Zweitens ist das ostliche Europa in etwa gleichgewichtig vertreten, obwohl die Forschungslage weit ungunstiger ist als fur das westliche. Drittens behandelt der Band nicht nur den parteiformig organisierten Rechtsextremismus und das damit verbundene Wahlgeschehen, sondern bezieht zum einen militante Szenen und Subkulturen einschliealich mancher paramilitarischer Erscheinungen im ostlichen Europa, zum anderen das weite Feld politischer Ideen und kultureller Trends und ihren Einfluss auf die europaische politische Kultur mit ein auch hier wiederum in vergleichender und Landergrenzen uberschreitender Anlage.
The focus of the volume is the question of the continuity and change of party-shaped, formerly Moscow-oriented communism after the demise of "real socialism". The European countries, which were formerly dominated by the respective Communist parties as monopolistic state parties, are treated in the same way as the states in which nolens volens-oriented organizations based on state socialism acted within a pluralistic party landscape. The consideration of both areas should initiate comparative considerations and contribute to a better understanding of the role of the corresponding formations in the respective party systems.
Bei dieser Schrift handelt es sich um den uberarbeiteten und stark erweiterten Text zweier offentlicher Vortrage, die im Sommersemester 1998 im Rahmen der Otto-von-Freising-Gastprofessur der Katholischen Universitat Eichstatt gehalten wurden. Der Verfasser sagt der Geschichts-und Gesellschaftswissen schaftlichen Fakultat der Katholischen Universitat Eichstatt rur die ehrenvolle Einladung zur Wahrnehmung des Stiftungslehrstuhls seinen herzlichen Dank. In Diskussionen im Anschluss an beide Vortrage habe ich zahlreiche wertvolle Hinweise erhalten. Fur Anregung und Kritik bin ich besonders Karl Graf Ballestrem, Heinz Hurten, Eckhard Jesse, Jens Luedtke, Leonid Luks, Ferdi nand Kramer, Klaus Schubert und Bernhard Sutor zu Dank verpflichtet. Mogliche Irrtumer hat allein der Verfasser zu verantworten. Creussen, im Septer ber 1998 Uwe Backes Inhaltsverzeichnis Seite Einflihrung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I. Verfassungsschutz und tyrannische Herrschaft bei Aristoteles . . . 7 H. Autokratischer Staatsschutz seit Machiavelli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 III. Herausbildung einer liberalen Verfassungsschutzkonzeption . . . . 15 IV. Republikschutz in Weimar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 V. "Streitbare Demokratie" in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland . . . 37 VI. Sieben Saulen des Staatsschutzes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Literaturverzeichnis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Einfuhrung "Staatsschutz" - "Republikschutz" - "Verfassungsschutz" - "Demokratie schutz" . Von den vier Formeln hat in unserer Zeit nur die letzte einen hellen, von semantischen Dissonanzen freien Klang. Im 20. Jahrhundert ist das altgriechische Wort von der "Volksherrschaft" so sehr zum Synonym alles politisch Guten und Wunschenswerten geworden, dass ihm auch der zweite Bestandteil des Kompositums, der immerhin so unheilvolle Assoziationen wie "Schutzstaffel" wachruft, anscheinend nichts anhaben kann."
I. Untersuchungsgegenstand und Problematik "Indessen ist zu erkennen, dass trotz des reichlich hervorgebrachten Schrifttums zum Thema Extremismus elementare Aufgaben, deren Losung eigentlich zu den allerer sten Schritten bei der wissenschaftlichen Bearbeitung des Gebietes hatten gehoren 1 mussen, noch nicht gelost waren." Diese Klage der Meinungsforscher Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann und Erp Ring, 1984 im Rahmen einer Untersuchung zum, Extremismus-Potential unter jungen Leuten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland" vorgetragen, hat ihre volle Berechtigung. Sie betrifft die herrschende Unklameit und Verunsicherung im Hinblick auf jene theoretischen Grundlagen, die der empirischen Untersuchung dringend bedurfen, sollen sie nicht im "luftleeren Raum" operieren. Der hochst unbefriedigende Kenntnisstand wird durch nichts augenfalliger doku mentiert als durch die verwirrende Vielfalt der Extremismusbegriffe: Handelt es sich um einen heuristisch wertlosen Terminus aus dem Arsenal politischer 2 "Kampfbegriffe," oder taugt er auch zur wissenschaftlichen Analyse? Ist er Ausfluss 3 juristischer Dogmatik, oder eignet er sich als terminologisches Werkzeug des Sozi alforschers? Lassen sich "linke" und "rechte" Phanomene unter dieser Sammelbe zeichnung sinnvoll zusammenfassen, oder verlauft die "eigentliche" Grenze zwi 4 schen "antidemokratischen" und "antikapitalistischen" Positionen? Wohnt dem Be griff, Jediglich eine fallzentrierte, wertungsabhangige Strukturfestigkeit"5 inne, oder besitzt er eine Bedeutung, die die Grenzen politischer Raume und Epochen uber schreitet? - Fragen, die einer zusammenhangenden Beantwortung harren."
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