With a focus on providing concrete teaching strategies for scholars, the Handbook on Teaching and Learning in Political Science and International Relations blends both theory and practice in an accessible and clear manner. In an effort to help faculty excel as classroom teachers, the expert contributors offer representation from various types of institutions located throughout the world. Split into three distinct parts, this book discusses: - curriculum and course design - teaching subject areas - in class teaching techniques This important Handbook is an essential guide for anyone looking to teach political science and international relations at the university level. Contributors: V. Asal, E.A. Bennion, E. Berndtson, J.L. Bernstein, A. Blair, M.A. Boyer, A. Broscheid, M. Brown, F. Buckley, J. Craig, B. Gentry, R. Glazier, K. Hamann, J. Hamner, C. Harris, J. Ishiyama, K. Kas, B. Kauffman, K. King, C. Leston-Bandeira, S. Lightfoot, J.K. Lobasz, D. Malet, M.P. Marks, H. Maurer, E.F.Mcclellan, W.J. Miller, M.J. Moore, E.A. Oldmixon, A. Paczynska, G. Pleschova, C. Raymond, E. Richards, B.E. Ricks, R.G. Rodriguez, J.S. Rofe, J.M. Scott, E. Sheppard, E.Simon, B. Smentkowski, E.T. Smith, J.C. Strachan, P.E. Sum, S. Thornton, S. Usherwood, B. Valeriano, W.L. Watson

With a focus on providing concrete teaching strategies for scholars, the Handbook on Teaching and Learning in Political Science and International Relations blends both theory and practice in an accessible and clear manner. In an effort to help faculty excel as classroom teachers, the expert contributors offer representation from various types of institutions located throughout the world. Split into three distinct parts, this book discusses: - curriculum and course design - teaching subject areas - in class teaching techniques This important Handbook is an essential guide for anyone looking to teach political science and international relations at the university level. Contributors: V. Asal, E.A. Bennion, E. Berndtson, J.L. Bernstein, A. Blair, M.A. Boyer, A. Broscheid, M. Brown, F. Buckley, J. Craig, B. Gentry, R. Glazier, K. Hamann, J. Hamner, C. Harris, J. Ishiyama, K. Kas, B. Kauffman, K. King, C. Leston-Bandeira, S. Lightfoot, J.K. Lobasz, D. Malet, M.P. Marks, H. Maurer, E.F.Mcclellan, W.J. Miller, M.J. Moore, E.A. Oldmixon, A. Paczynska, G. Pleschova, C. Raymond, E. Richards, B.E. Ricks, R.G. Rodriguez, J.S. Rofe, J.M. Scott, E. Sheppard, E.Simon, B. Smentkowski, E.T. Smith, J.C. Strachan, P.E. Sum, S. Thornton, S. Usherwood, B. Valeriano, W.L. Watson

The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business, Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this internal discontent, we can also add the changing national demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008 to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern Family World."

The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business, Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this internal discontent, we can also add the changing national demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008 to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern Family World."

John Engler, former Governor of Michigan, once claimed that redistricting is one of the purest actions a legislative body can take. Academicians and political leaders alike, however, have regularly debated the ideal way by to redistrict national and state legislatures. Rather than being the pure process that Governor Engler envisioned, redistricting has led to repeated court battles waged on such traditional democratic values as one person, one vote, and minority rights. Instead of being an opportunity to help ensure maximum representation for the citizens, the process has become a cat and mouse game in many states with citizen representation seemingly the farthest idea from anyone's mind. From a purely political perspective, those in power in the state legislature at the time of redistricting largely act like they have unilateral authority to do as they please. In this volume, contributors discuss why such an assumption is concerning in the modern political environment.

John Engler, former Governor of Michigan, once claimed that redistricting is one of the purest actions a legislative body can take. Academicians and political leaders alike, however, have regularly debated the ideal way by to redistrict national and state legislatures. Rather than being the pure process that Governor Engler envisioned, redistricting has led to repeated court battles waged on such traditional democratic values as one person, one vote, and minority rights. Instead of being an opportunity to help ensure maximum representation for the citizens, the process has become a cat and mouse game in many states with citizen representation seemingly the farthest idea from anyone's mind. From a purely political perspective, those in power in the state legislature at the time of redistricting largely act like they have unilateral authority to do as they please. In this volume, contributors discuss why such an assumption is concerning in the modern political environment.