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Books > Humanities > History > American history > 1800 to 1900
Independence Day, 1861. The schooner S. J. Waring sets sail from
New York on a routine voyage to South America. Seventeen days
later, it limps back into New York's frenzied harbor with the
ship's black steward, William Tillman, at the helm. While the story
of that ill-fated voyage is one of the most harrowing tales of
captivity and survival on the high seas, it has, almost
unbelievably, been lost to history. Now reclaiming Tillman as the
real American hero he was, historian Brian McGinty dramatically
returns readers to that riotous, explosive summer of 1861, when the
country was tearing apart at the seams and the Union army was in
near shambles following a humiliating defeat at the First Battle of
Bull Run. Desperate for good news, the North was soon riveted by
reports of an incident that occurred a few hundred miles off the
coast of New York, where the Waring had been overtaken by a
marauding crew of Confederate privateers. While the white sailors
became chummy with their Southern captors, free black man William
Tillman was perfectly aware of the fate that awaited him in the
ruthless, slave-filled ports south of the Mason-Dixon Line.
Stealthily biding his time until a moonlit night nine days after
the capture, Tillman single-handedly killed three officers of the
privateer crew, then took the wheel and pointed it home. Yet, with
no experience as a navigator, only one other helper, and a war-torn
Atlantic seaboard to contend with, his struggle had just begun. It
took five perilous days at sea-all thrillingly recounted
here-before the Waring returned to New York Harbor, where the story
of Tillman's shipboard courage became such a tabloid sensation that
he was not only put on the bill of Barnum's American Museum but
also proclaimed to be the "first hero" of the Civil War. As McGinty
evocatively shows, however, in the horrors of the war then
engulfing the nation, memories of his heroism-even of his
identity-were all but lost to history. As such, The Rest I Will
Kill becomes a thrilling and historically significant work, as well
as an extraordinary journey that recounts how a free black man was
able to defy efforts to make him a slave and become an unlikely
glimmer of hope for a disheartened Union army in the war-battered
North.
The Lost Cause ideology that emerged after the Civil War and
flourished in the early twentieth century in essence sought to
recast a struggle to perpetuate slavery as a heroic defense of the
South. As Adam Domby reveals here, this was not only an insidious
goal; it was founded on falsehoods. The False Cause focuses on
North Carolina to examine the role of lies and exaggeration in the
creation of the Lost Cause narrative. In the process the book shows
how these lies have long obscured the past and been used to
buttress white supremacy in ways that resonate to this day. Domby
explores how fabricated narratives about the war's cause,
Reconstruction, and slavery-as expounded at monument dedications
and political rallies-were crucial to Jim Crow. He questions the
persistent myth of the Confederate army as one of history's
greatest, revealing a convenient disregard of deserters, dissent,
and Unionism, and exposes how pension fraud facilitated a myth of
unwavering support of the Confederacy among nearly all white
Southerners. Domby shows how the dubious concept of "black
Confederates" was spun from a small number of elderly and indigent
African American North Carolinians who got pensions by presenting
themselves as "loyal slaves." The book concludes with a penetrating
examination of how the Lost Cause narrative and the lies on which
it is based continue to haunt the country today and still work to
maintain racial inequality.
Linked by declarations of emancipation within the same five-year
period, two countries shared human rights issues on two distinct
continents. In this book, readers will find a case-study comparison
of the emancipation of Russian serfs on the Yazykovo Selo estate
and American slaves at the Palmyra Plantation. Although state
policies and reactions may not follow the same paths in each area,
there were striking thematic parallels. These findings add to our
understanding of what happens throughout an emancipation process in
which the state grants freedom, and therefore speaks to the
universality of the human experience. Despite the political and
economic differences between the two countries, as well as their
geographic and cultural distances, this book re-conceptualizes
emancipation and its aftermath in each country: from a history that
treats each as a separate, self-contained story to one with a
unified, global framework.
This Modern Library Paperback Classics edition combines the two
most important African American slave narratives into one volume.
Frederick Douglass's Narrative, first published in 1845, is an
enlightening and incendiary text. Born into slavery, Douglass
became the preeminent spokesman for his people during his life; his
narrative is an unparalleled account of the dehumanizing effects of
slavery and Douglass's own triumph over it. Like Douglass, Harriet
Jacobs was born into slavery, and in 1861 she published Incidents
in the Life of a Slave Girl, now recognized as the most
comprehensive antebellum slave narrative written by a woman.
Jacobs's account broke the silence on the exploitation of African
American female slaves, and it remains crucial reading. These
narratives illuminate and inform each other. This edition includes
an incisive Introduction by Kwame Anthony Appiah and extensive
annotations.
"From the Trade Paperback edition.
In this never before published diary, 29-year-old surgeon James
Fulton transports readers into the harsh and deadly conditions of
the Civil War as he struggles to save the lives of the patients
under his care. Fulton joined a Union army volunteer regiment in
1862, only a year into the Civil War, and immediately began
chronicling his experiences in a pocket diary. Despite his capture
by the Confederate Army at Gettysburg and the confiscation of his
medical tools, Fulton was able to keep his diary with him at all
times. He provides a detailed account of the next two years,
including his experiences treating the wounded and diseased during
some of the most critical campaigns of the Civil War and his
relationships with soldiers, their commanders, civilians, other
health-care workers, and the opposing Confederate army. The diary
also includes his notes on recipes for medical ailments from sore
throats to syphilis. In addition to Fulton's diary, editor Robert
D. Hicks and experts in Civil War medicine provide context and
additional information on the practice and development of medicine
during the Civil War, including the technology and methods
available at the time, the organization of military medicine,
doctor-patient interactions, and the role of women as caregivers
and relief workers. Civil War Medicine: A Surgeon's Diary provides
a compelling new account of the lives of soldiers during the Civil
War and a doctor's experience of one of the worst health crises
ever faced by the United States.
When Louisiana seceded from the Union on January 26, 1861, no one
doubted that a battle to control the Mississippi River was
imminent. Throughout the war, the Federals pushed their way up the
river. Every port and city seemed to fall against the force of the
Union Navy. The capitol was forced to retreat from Baton Rouge to
Shreveport. Many of the smaller towns, like Bayou Sara and
Donaldsonville, were nearly shelled completely off the map. It was
not until the Union reached Port Hudson that the Confederates had a
fighting chance to keep control of the mighty Mississippi. They
fought long and hard, under supplied and under manned, but
ultimately the Union prevailed.
Colonel Elmer Ellsworth was the first Union officer killed in the
American Civil War. When it happened, on May 24, 1861, the entire
North was aghast. Ellsworth was a celebrity and had just finished
traveling with his famed and entertaining U. S. Zouave Cadets drill
team. They had performed at West Point, in New York City, and for
President Buchanan before returning home to Chicago. Ellsworth then
joined his friend and law mentor Abraham Lincoln in his quest for
the presidency. When Lincoln put out the call for troops after Fort
Sumter was fired upon, Ellsworth responded. Within days he was able
to organize over a thousand New York firefighters into a regiment
of volunteers. Was it youthful enthusiasm or a lack of formal
training that resulted in his death? There is evidence on both
sides. What is definite is that the Lincolns rushed to the Navy
Yard to view the body of the young man they had loved as a son.
Mary Lincoln insisted that he lie in state in the East Room of
their home. The elite of New York brought flowers to the Astor
House en memoriam. Six members of the 11th New York accompanied
their commander's coffin. When the young colonel's remains were
finally interred in the Hudson View Cemetery, the skies opened up.
A late May afternoon thunderstorm broke out in the middle of the
procession, referred to as "tears from God himself." Only eight
weeks later, the results of the battle of First Bull Run knocked
Ellsworth out of the headlines. The trickle of blood had now become
a torrent, not to end for four more years of war. Groeling's
well-written biography is grounded in years of examining archival
resources, diaries, personal letters, newspapers, and other
accounts. In the sixty intervening years since the last portrait of
Ellsworth was written, new information has arisen that gives
readers and historians a better understanding of the Ellsworth
phenomenon. The author's interwoven accounts of John Hay, George
Nicolay, Abraham Lincoln, and the Lincoln family put Ellsworth
clearly at the forefront of the excitement that led up to the
election of a president. First Fallen: The Life of Colonel Elmer
Ellsworth, the North's First Civil War Hero examines every facet of
Ellsworth's complex, fascinating life. It is the story of many
young men who fought and died for the Union. Elmer, however, was
the first and - according to those who remember him - perhaps the
best.
In the summer of 1864, the American Civil War had been dragging on
for over three years with no end in sight. Things had not gone well
for the Union, and the public blamed the president for the
stalemate against the Confederacy and for the appalling numbers of
killed and wounded. Lincoln was thoroughly convinced that without a
favorable change in the trajectory of the war he would have no
chance of winning a second term against former Union general George
B. McClellan, whom he had previously dismissed as commander of the
Army of the Potomac. This vivid, engrossing account of a critical
year in American history examines the events of 1864, when the
course of American history might have taken a radically different
direction. It's no exaggeration to say that if McClellan had won
the election, everything would have been different-McClellan and
the Democrats planned to end the war immediately, grant the South
its independence, and let the Confederacy keep its slaves. What
were the crucial factors that in the end swung public sentiment in
favor of Lincoln? Johnson focuses on the battlefield campaigns of
Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman. While Grant
was waging a war of attrition with superior manpower against the
quick and elusive rebel forces under General Robert E. Lee, Sherman
was fighting a protracted battle in Georgia against Confederate
general Joseph E. Johnston. But then the president of the
Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, made a tactical error that would
change the whole course of the war. This lively narrative, full of
intriguing historical facts, brings to life an important series of
episodes in our nation's history. History and Civil War buffs will
not want to put down this real-life page-turner.
Was the Civil War inevitable? What really caused it? Drawing on
original sources--from Jefferson Davis to Frederick Douglass--and
interpretive essays by today's most influential historians, this
collection of essays gives a vivid sense of the political,
economic, and cultural currents that swept the nation to war.
At a cost of at least 800,000 lives, the Civil War preserved the
Union, aborted the breakaway Confederacy, and liberated a race of
slaves. Civil War Memories is the first comprehensive account of
how and why Americans have selectively remembered, and forgotten,
this watershed conflict since its conclusion in 1865. Drawing on an
array of textual and visual sources as well as a wide range of
modern scholarship on Civil War memory, Robert J. Cook charts the
construction of four dominant narratives by the ordinary men and
women, as well as the statesmen and generals, who lived through the
struggle and its tumultuous aftermath. Part One explains why the
Yankee victors' memory of the "War of the Rebellion" drove
political conflict into the 1890s, then waned with the passing of
the soldiers who had saved the republic. It also touches on the
leading role southern white women played in the development of the
racially segregated South's "Lost Cause"; explores why, by the
beginning of the twentieth century, the majority of Americans had
embraced a powerful reconciliatory memory of the Civil War; and
details the failed efforts to connect an emancipationist reading of
the conflict to the fading cause of civil rights. Part Two
demonstrates the Civil War's capacity to thrill twentieth-century
Americans in movies such as The Birth of a Nation and Gone with the
Wind. It also reveals the war's vital connection to the black
freedom struggle in the modern era. Finally, Cook argues that the
massacre of African American parishioners in Charleston in June
2015 highlighted the continuing relevance of the Civil War by
triggering intense nationwide controversy over the place of
Confederate symbols in the United States. Written in vigorous prose
for a wide audience and designed to inform popular debate on the
relevance of the Civil War to the racial politics of modern
America, Civil War Memories is required reading for informed
Americans today.
In December 1860, South Carolinians voted to abandon the Union,
sparking the deadliest war in American history. Led by a proslavery
movement that viewed Abraham Lincoln's place at the helm of the
federal government as a real and present danger to the security of
the South, southerners, both slaveholders and nonslaveholders,
willingly risked civil war by seceding from the United States.
Radical proslavery activists contended that without defending
slavery's westward expansion American planters would, like their
former counterparts in the West Indies, become greatly outnumbered
by those they enslaved. The result would transform the South into a
mere colony within the federal government and make white
southerners reliant on antislavery outsiders for protection of
their personal safety and wealth. Faith in American exceptionalism
played an important role in the reasoning of the antebellum
American public, shaping how those in both the free and slave
states viewed the world. Questions about who might share the bounty
of the exceptional nature of the country became the battleground
over which Americans fought, first with words, then with guns. Carl
Lawrence Paulus's The Slaveholding Crisis examines how, due to the
fear of insurrection by the enslaved, southerners created their own
version of American exceptionalism, one that placed the
perpetuation of slavery at its forefront. Feeling a loss of power
in the years before the Civil War, the planter elite no longer saw
the Union, as a whole, fulfilling that vision of exceptionalism. As
a result, Paulus contends, slaveholders and nonslaveholding
southerners believed that the white South could anticipate racial
conflict and brutal warfare. This narrative postulated that
limiting slavery's expansion within the Union was a riskier
proposition than fighting a war of secession. In the end, Paulus
argues, by insisting that the new party in control of the federal
government promoted this very insurrection, the planter elite
gained enough popular support to create the Confederate States of
America. In doing so, they established a thoroughly proslavery,
modern state with the military capability to quell massive
resistance by the enslaved, expand its territorial borders, and war
against the forces of the Atlantic antislavery movement.
James Montgomery was a leader of the free-state movement in
pre-Civil War Kansas and Missouri, associated with its
direct-action military wing. He then joined the Union Army and
fought through most of the war. A close associate and ally of other
abolitionists including John Brown, Harriet Tubman, Colonels Thomas
Wentworth Higginson and Robert G. Shaw, Montgomery led his
African-American regiment along with Tubman and other civilians in
the 1863 Combahee River raid, which freed almost 800 slaves from
South Carolina plantations. He then commanded a brigade in the
siege of Fort Wagner, near Charleston. In 1864, still in brigade
command, he fought at the Battle of Olustee in Florida, helping
prevent the collapse and disintegration of Union General Truman
Seymour's army. Later that year he returned home and played a
significant role in defeating Confederate General Sterling Price's
great raid, especially at the Battle of Westport. This is the first
published biography of Montgomery, who was and remains a
controversial figure. It uncovers and deals honestly with his
serious flaws, while debunking some wilder charges, and also
bringing to light his considerable attributes and achievements.
Montgomery's life, from birth to death, is seen in the necessary
perspective and clear delineation of the complex racial, political
and military history of the Civil War era.
During the American Civil War, the mounted soldiers fighting on
both sides of the conflict carried a wide array of weapons, from
sabers and lances to carbines, revolvers, and other firearms.
Though some sections of the cavalry placed their trust in the
sabre, the advent of viable breechloading carbines -- especially
repeaters such as the Spencer -- was to transform warfare within
little more than a decade of General Lee's final surrender at
Appomattox. However, output struggled to keep up with unprecedented
demands on manufacturing technology and distribution in areas where
communication was difficult and in states whose primary aim was to
equip their own men rather than contribute to the arming of Federal
or Confederate regiments. In addition, the almost unparalleled
losses of men and equipment ensured that almost any firearm,
effectual or not, was pressed into service. Consequently, the sheer
variety of weaponry carried reflected the mounted soldiers' various
roles in different theatres of operation, but also the availability
-- or otherwise -- of weapons, notably on the Confederate side.
Fully illustrated, this study assesses the effectiveness of the
many different weapons arming the Civil War cavalryman and analyses
the strengths and weaknesses of the decisions made after 1865
concerning the armament of the US cavalry.
Boston Congregationalist ministers Charles Chauncy (1705-1787) and
Jonathan Mayhew (1720-1766) were significant political as well as
religious leaders in colonial and revolutionary New England.
Scholars have often stressed their influence on major shifts in New
England theology, and have also portrayed Mayhew as an influential
preacher, whose works helped shape American revolutionary ideology,
and Chauncy as an active leader of the patriot cause. Through a
deeply contextualised re-examination of the two ministers as 'men
of their times', Oakes offers a fresh, comparative interpretation
of how their religious and political views changed and interacted
over decades. The result is a thoroughly revised reading of
Chauncy's and Mayhew's most innovative ideas. Conservative
Revolutionaries unearths strongly traditionalist elements in their
belief systems, focussing on their shared commitment to a
dissenting worldview based on the ideals of their Protestant New
England and British heritage. Oakes concludes with a provocative
exploration of how their shifting theological and political
positions may have helped redefine prevailing notions of human
identity, capability, and destiny.
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