The Tennessee 18th Cavalry Regiment was also called the 19th Regiment. It was organized in May, 1864, by consolidating six companies of Newsom's Tennessee Cavalry Regiment and four companies of Forrest's Alabama Cavalry Regiment, The unit was assigned to T.H. Bell's Brigade in the Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana. Its members were recruited in Hardeman, Madison, Henderson, and McNairy counties.

This book comprehensively covers the wide geographical range of the northern home fronts during the Civil War, emphasizing the diverse ways people interpreted, responded to, and adapted to war by their ideas, interests, and actions. The Northern Home Front during the Civil War provides the first extensive treatment of the northern home front mobilizing for war in two decades. It collates a vast and growing scholarship on the many aspects of a citizenship organizing for and against war. The text focuses attention on the roles of women, blacks, immigrants, and other individuals who typically fall outside of scrutiny in studies of American war-making society, and provides new information on subjects such as raising money for war, civil liberties in wartime, the role of returning soldiers in society, religion, relief work, popular culture, and building support for the cause of the Union and freedom. Organized topically, the book covers the geographic breadth of the diverse northern home fronts during the Civil War. The chapters supply self-contained studies of specific aspects of life, work, relief, home life, religion, and political affairs, to name only a few. This clearly written and immensely readable book reveals the key moments and gradual developments over time that influenced northerners' understanding of, participation in, and reactions to the costs and promise of a great civil war. Contemporary illustrations from illustrated magazines such as Harper's Weekly and Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper Lithographs depicting such activities as women and men at work making armaments, people examining wares at a Sanitary Fair, nurses tending to soldiers in hospitals, and immigrants, workers, and others in dissent Period photographs of subjects such as supply depots filled with material for war, women making flags for regiments, and recruiting activities A map of the northern states An extensive and extremely detailed bibliographical essay

Thomas Hooke McCallie wrote a memoir in 1902 reporting for the benefit of his children what he knew of his family's immigration to the New World, of his education at Union Theological Seminary in New York City, of his courtship and marriage-and in more detail the trials and tribulations that befell him, his family and his church during the tumultuous years of the Civil War. THM, as the editor calls him throughout the book, opposed secession by his home state of Tennessee and refused to support the Confederacy either as a soldier or as a minister. And, with equal vigor he opposed the Federal government's resolve to preserve the Union by force of arms. His determination not to support either side of the conflict was the perfect formula for being harassed by both sides. Much of the memoir turns on the troubled existence resulting for THM, his family and his church because of his fixed view of right and wrong at this catastrophic moment in our nation's history.

In spite of the detailed reporting of pain and privation suffered during the war, the editor feels the real theme of the story is the way THM and his wife face every new crisis with prayer-prayer and faith that their prayers would be heard. Early in the war THM preached to Confederates soldiers who found their way to his church and later in the war, after the Union Army occupied Chattanooga, to Union soldiers, never changing the message because of the color of the uniform. The message? That every man, whether dressed in blue or gray, must know the saving Grace of Jesus Christ.

In Liberty and Slavery, Niels Eichhorn examines the language of slavery, which he considers central to revolutionary struggles, especially those waged in Europe in the nineteenth century. Eichhorn begins in 1830 with separatist movements in Greece, Belgium, and Poland, which laid the foundation for rebellions undertaken later in the century, and then shifts focus to the 1848 uprisings in Ireland, Hungary, and Schleswig-Holstein. He argues that revolutionaries embraced or rejected the language of slavery as they saw fit, using it to justify their rebellions and larger goals. The failure of these insurgencies propelled a wave of revolutionary migrants across the Atlantic world. Those who journeyed to the United States felt the need to adjust to the political and sectional divisions in their new home. Eichhorn shows that separatism was widespread during this period; the secessionist aims of the American Confederacy were by no means unique. Additionally, Eichhorn explores these migrants' motivations for shunning the Confederacy during the American Civil War. Having been steeped in the language of slavery and separatism, they naturally sided with the Union when the sectional crisis culminated in civil war in 1861.

A guide to the conflicts for the Union
This book has a curious pedigree. During the U.S. Grant administration, the Secretary of War instructed the Corps of Clerks to compile a thorough and complete catalogue of all the engagements of the late American Civil War-irrespective of their magnitude. The work was duly completed, published in small edition and a copy was presented by the Adjutant-General to the Secretary of War who, upon receiving it, promptly checked its pages for a minor incident in which he had been involved only to discover that it was notably absent It was from this rather embarrassing foundation that this book (oddly titled in its original edition 'When and Where We Met Each Other on Shore or Afloat' ) was conceived and, after much research, published. The task was a daunting one and the book occupied its author, Theodore D. Strickler, for over a decade as he examined official and other reliably authentic sources. Of course, all the well known battles are recorded here, but also included are the hundreds of minor affairs including scouting parties, skirmishes and raids. Strickler had the advantage of living witnesses to authenticate his findings and at the time of its original publication the book claimed to be the most complete compilation of its kind. The principal body of the text is in list form and the Leonaur edition has faithfully reproduced this in its original form for the sake of authenticity. All other text-which includes a piece on unit insignia-has been newly typeset. By virtue of its extreme thoroughness this book will be invaluable to all serious students of the American Civil War.
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The battlefield reputation of Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest, long recognized as a formidable warrior, has been shaped by one infamous wartime incident. At Fort Pillow in 1864, the attack by Confederate forces under Forrest's command left many of the Tennessee Unionists and black soldiers garrisoned there dead in a confrontation widely labeled as a "massacre." In "The River Was Dyed with Blood," best-selling Forrest biographer Brian Steel Wills argues that although atrocities did occur after the fall of the fort, Forrest did not order or intend a systematic execution of its defenders. Rather, the general's great failing was losing control of his troops.

A prewar slave trader and owner, Forrest was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime. Because the attack on Fort Pillow--which, as Forrest wrote, left the nearby waters "dyed with blood"--occurred in an election year, Republicans used him as a convenient Confederate scapegoat to marshal support for the war. After the war he also became closely associated with the spread of the Ku Klux Klan. Consequently, the man himself, and the truth about Fort Pillow, has remained buried beneath myths, legends, popular depictions, and disputes about the events themselves.

Wills sets what took place at Fort Pillow in the context of other wartime excesses from the American Revolution to World War II and Vietnam, as well as the cultural transformations brought on by the Civil War. Confederates viewed black Union soldiers as the embodiment of slave rebellion and reacted accordingly. Nevertheless, Wills concludes that the engagement was neither a massacre carried out deliberately by Forrest, as charged by a congressional committee, nor solely a northern fabrication meant to discredit him and the Confederate States of America, as pro-Southern apologists have suggested. The battle-scarred fighter with his homespun aphorisms was neither an infallible warrior nor a heartless butcher, but a product of his time and his heritage.