Since the emergence of the dissident OC parallel polisOCO in Eastern Europe, civil society has become a OC new superpower, OCO influencing democratic transformations, human rights, and international co-operation; co-designing economic trends, security and defense; reshaping the information society; and generating new ideas on the environment, health, and the OC good life.OCO This volume seeks to compare and reassess the role of civil society in the rich West, the poorer South, and the quickly expanding East in the context of the twenty-first centuryOCOs challenges. It presents a novel perspective on civic movements testing John KeaneOCOs notion of OC monitory democracyOCO: an emerging order of public scrutiny and monitoring of power."

Since the emergence of the dissident "parallel polis" in Eastern Europe, civil society has become a "new superpower," influencing democratic transformations, human rights, and international co-operation; co-designing economic trends, security and defense; reshaping the information society; and generating new ideas on the environment, health, and the "good life." This volume seeks to compare and reassess the role of civil society in the rich West, the poorer South, and the quickly expanding East in the context of the twenty-first century's challenges. It presents a novel perspective on civic movements testing John Keane's notion of "monitory democracy": an emerging order of public scrutiny and monitoring of power.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt used radio fireside chats to connect with millions of ordinary Americans. The highly articulate and telegenic John F. Kennedy was dubbed the first TV president. Ronald Reagan, the so-called Great Communicator, had a conversational way of speaking to the common man. Bill Clinton left his mark on media industries by championing and signing the landmark Telecommunications Act of 1996 into law. Barack Obama was the first social media presidential campaigner and president. And now there is President Donald J. Trump. Because so much of what has made Donald Trump's candidacy and presidency unconventional has been about communication-how he has used Twitter to convey his political messages and how the news media and voters have interpreted and responded to his public words and persona-21 communication and media scholars examine the Trump phenomenon in Communication in the Age of Trump. This collection of essays and studies, suitable for communication and political science students and scholars, covers the 2016 presidential campaign and the first year of the Trump presidency.

Every December 12th, thousands of Mexican immigrants gather for the mass at New York City's St. Patrick's Cathedral in honor of Our Lady of Guadalupe's feast day. They kiss images of the Virgin, wait for a bishop's blessing--and they also carry signs asking for immigration reform, much like political protestors. It is this juxtaposition of religion and politics that Alyshia Galvez investigates in "Guadalupe in New York."

The Virgin of Guadalupe is a profound symbol for Mexican and Mexican-American Catholics and the patron saint of their country. Her name has been invoked in war and in peace, and her image has been painted on walls, printed on T-shirts, and worshipped at countless shrines. For undocumented Mexicans in New York, Guadalupe continues to be a powerful presence as they struggle to gain citizenship in a new country.

Through rich ethnographic research that illuminates Catholicism as practiced by Mexicans in New York, Galvez shows that it is through Guadalupan devotion that many undocumented immigrants are finding the will and vocabulary to demand rights, immigration reform, and respect. She also reveals how such devotion supports and emboldens immigrants in their struggle to provide for their families and create their lives in the city with dignity.

Intimate stories by real hard-working, unpretentious, selfless people, all thrown into a milieu; a simmering stewpot of diverse young men & women, all working for a common goal---to help Ronald Reagan succeed, from the start
People have asked "What was Reagan like privately?" "How did he treat his children?"
"How did he handle pressure?" "How did he handle danger?" "How did he treat his staff?" "How did he handle difficult, almost impossible to deal with, legislators?" Watch it unfold in intimate detail.
See how Reagan used humor to disarm his most ardent critics and tenacious opponents.
Rex Hime said, "He was the Sequoia, and we were the branches "
Former SFO-KPIX-CBS-TV Anchor & Governor Reagan's Assistant Press Director, Nancy Clark Reynolds reveals fascinating stories: "Reagan was absolutely Numero Uno in Nancy's life. All the time. And she was with him They were totally wound into each other, to the exclusion of everybody else " "Reagan was gracious and funny He had people in 'stitches' all the time---and he was a total gentleman. You always knew where Reagan stood. He never equated disagreement with disloyalty. Even after working fourteen and eighteen hour days, I could hardly wait to get to work the next morning "
Edwin Meese III said with that understated smile, "Ronald Reagan thrived on being underestimated."
Also, the untold story behind the secret plan hatched by former Air Force Secretary Thomas C. Reed and a handful of dedicated insiders to launch Reagan's unequivocal, arguably first campaign for President of the United States in 1968.

1. While there has been growing research on the topic of immigration detention in the UK, this is the first to exclusively explore the experiences of women. The focus on experiences of detention, release and removal makes for a particularly broad subject. 2. Courses on penology and punishment are popular, even core components of a Criminology degree. This book offers much needed supplementary reading on a modern form of punishment, in the form of immigration detention.

The surprising story of the movement to create a truly democratic foreign policy by engaging ordinary Americans in world affairs. No major arena of US governance is more elitist than foreign policy. International relations barely surface in election campaigns, and policymakers take little input from Congress. But not all Americans set out to build a cloistered foreign policy "establishment." For much of the twentieth century, officials, activists, and academics worked to foster an informed public that would embrace participation in foreign policy as a civic duty. The first comprehensive history of the movement for "citizen education in world affairs," Every Citizen a Statesman recounts an abandoned effort to create a democratic foreign policy. Taking the lead alongside the State Department were philanthropic institutions like the Ford and Rockefeller foundations and the Foreign Policy Association, a nonprofit founded in 1918. One of the first international relations think tanks, the association backed local World Affairs Councils, which organized popular discussion groups under the slogan "World Affairs Are Your Affairs." In cities across the country, hundreds of thousands of Americans gathered in homes and libraries to learn and talk about pressing global issues. But by the 1960s, officials were convinced that strategy in a nuclear world was beyond ordinary people, and foundation support for outreach withered. The local councils increasingly focused on those who were already engaged in political debate and otherwise decried supposed public apathy, becoming a force for the very elitism they set out to combat. The result, David Allen argues, was a chasm between policymakers and the public that has persisted since the Vietnam War, insulating a critical area of decisionmaking from the will of the people.

Many contemporary surveillance practices take place in information infrastructures which are from the public domain. Although they have far reaching consequences for both citizens and their rights, they are not always subject to regulatory demands and oversight. This being said, democratic fora where citizens and institutions may question such practices cannot be mobilised without widespread awareness of the dangers and consequences of surveillance practices and who is responsible for them. Through an analysis of surveillance controversies across Europe, this book not only examines the troublesome relationship between surveillance and democracy; but also highlights the vested interests which maintain the status quo. Using a participatory theory lens, Surveillance and Democracy in Europe reveals the historical, social, political and legal antecedents of the current state of affairs. Arguing that participation is a sensitising concept which enables a wide array of surveillance practices and processes to be interrogated, this insightful volume will appeal to students and researchers interested in fields such as public administration and policy, political studies, organisational behaviour and surveillance and privacy.

Riveting and inspiring first-person stories of how "taking a knee" triggered an awakening in sports, from the celebrated sportswriter "The Kaepernick Effect reveals that Colin Kaepernick's story is bigger than one athlete. With profiles of courage that leap off the page, Zirin uncovers a whole national movement of citizen-athletes fighting for racial justice." -Ibram X. Kendi, National Book Award-winning author of Stamped from the Beginning and How to Be an Antiracist In 2016, amid an epidemic of police shootings of African Americans, the celebrated NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick began a series of quiet protests on the field, refusing to stand during the U.S. national anthem. By "taking a knee," Kaepernick bravely joined a long tradition of American athletes making powerful political statements. This time, however, Kaepernick's simple act spread like wildfire throughout American society, becoming the preeminent symbol of resistance to America's persistent racial inequality. Critically acclaimed sports journalist and author of A People's History of Sports in the United States, Dave Zirin chronicles "the Kaepernick effect" for the first time, through interviews with a broad cross-section of professional athletes across many different sports, college stars and high-powered athletic directors, and high school athletes and coaches. In each case, he uncovers the fascinating explanations and motivations behind a mass political movement in sports, through deeply personal and inspiring accounts of risk-taking, activism, and courage both on and off the field. A book about the politics of sport, and the impact of sports on politics, The Kaepernick Effect is for anyone seeking to understand an essential dimension of the new movement for racial justice in America.

This book offers critical analysis of everyday narratives of Iranian middle class migrants who use their social class and careers to "fit in" with British society. Based on a series of interviews and participant observations with two cohorts of "privileged" Iranian migrant women working as doctors, dentists and academics in Britain-groups that are usually absent from studies around migration, marginality and intersectionality-the book applies narrative analysis and intersectionality to critically analyse social class in relation to gender, ethnicity, places and sense of belonging in Britain. As concepts such as "Nation," "Migrant," "Native," "Other," "Security," and "Border" have populated public and policy discourse, it is vital to explore migrants' experiences and perceptions of the society in which they live, to answer deceptively simple questions such as "What does class mean?" and "How is class translated in the lives of migrants?"

Known most prominently as a daring anti-lynching crusader, Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931) worked tirelessly throughout her life as a political advocate for the rights of women, minorities, and members of the working class. Despite her significance, until the 1970s Wells-Barnett's life, career, and legacy were relegated to the footnotes of history. Beginning with the posthumously published autobiography edited and released by her daughter Alfreda in 1970, a handful of biographers and historians-most notably, Patricia Schechter, Paula Giddings, Mia Bay, Gail Bederman, and Jinx Broussard-have begun to place the life of Wells-Barnett within the context of the social, cultural, and political milieu of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This edited volume seeks to extend the discussions that they have cultivated over the last five decades and to provide insight into the communication strategies that the political advocate turned to throughout the course of her life as a social justice crusader. In particular, scholars such as Schechter, Broussard, and many more will weigh in on the full range of communication techniques-from lecture circuits and public relations campaigns to investigative and advocacy journalism-that Wells-Barnett employed to combat racism and sexism and to promote social equity; her dual career as a journalist and political agitator; her advocacy efforts on an international, national, and local level; her own failed political ambitions; her role as a bridge and interloper in key social movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century; her legacy in American culture; and her potential to serve as a prism through which to educate others on how to address lingering forms of oppression in the twenty-first century.

* Integrates contributions from a diverse range of nations, utilising a broad range of theoretical tools and methodologies, to offer a cross-national perspective considering the way in which community responses to Covid-19 interacted with structural and political characteristics, as well as with the responses of national governments to the pandemic in terms of 'lockdown' restrictions and public health policy * Fascinating reading for students and academics in social psychology, and the social sciences, as well as policymakers and charities who wish to harness, support, and sustain these initiatives without controlling them * Explores the invaluable support and advice provided by community groups and organisations, including practical tasks such as grocery shopping, as well as emotional and financial support to community members, many of whom were struggling with physical and mental health issues as well as economic disadvantage

Whilst many undocumented migrants in the United States continue to exist in the shadows, since the turn of the millennium an increasing number have emerged within public debate, casting themselves against the dominant discursive trope of the "illegal alien," and entering the struggle over political self-representation. Drawing on a range of life narratives published from 2001 to 2016, this book explores how undocumented migrants have represented themselves in various narrative forms in the context of the DREAM Act and the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) movement. By reading these self-representations as both a product of America's changing views on citizenship and membership, and an arena where such views can potentially be challenged, the book interrogates the role such self-representations have played not only in constructing undocumented migrant identities, but also in shaping social borders. At a time when the inclusion and exclusion of (potential) citizens is once again highly debated in the United States, the book concludes by giving a potential indication of where views on undocumented migration might be headed. This interdisciplinary exploration of migrant narratives will be of interest to scholars and researchers across American Literary and Cultural Studies, Citizenship Studies, and Ethnic and Migration Studies.

In the minds of many Americans, Islam is synonymous with the Middle East, Muslim men with violence, and Muslim women with oppression. A clash of civilizations appears to be increasingly manifest and the war on terror seems a struggle against Islam. These are all symptoms of Islamophobia. Meanwhile, the current surge in nativist bias reveals the racism of anti-Muslim sentiment. This book explores these anxieties through political cartoons and film--media with immediate and important impact. After providing a background on Islamic traditions and their history with America, it graphically shows how political cartoons and films reveal Americans' casual demeaning and demonizing of Muslims and Islam--a phenomenon common among both liberals and conservatives. Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Sentiment offers both fascinating insights into our culture's ways of "picturing the enemy" as Muslim, and ways of moving beyond antagonism.

This book argues that African American theatre in the twentieth century represented a cultural front of the civil rights movement. Highlighting the frequently ignored decades of the 1940s and 1950s, Burrell documents a radical cohort of theatre artists who became critical players in the fight for civil rights both onstage and offstage, between the Popular Front and the Black Arts Movement periods. The Civil Rights Theatre Movement recovers knowledge of little-known groups like the Negro Playwrights Company and reconsiders Broadway hits including Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun, showing how theatre artists staged radically innovative performances that protested Jim Crow and U.S. imperialism amidst a repressive Cold War atmosphere. By conceiving of class and gender as intertwining aspects of racism, this book reveals how civil rights theatre artists challenged audiences to reimagine the fundamental character of American democracy.

Originally published in 1989, Self Help in Health and Social Welfare looks at the current World Health Organization policy that encourages self-help in health. The book suggests that this can more readily be achieved by international collaboration and exchange of ideas. England and West Germany are both advanced industrialized societies with complex and highly developed health and social welfare systems and resilient voluntary sectors. Much can therefore be learnt by comparing their experiences. This book reports developments and initiatives from these two countries, covering issues such as the institutional context, evaluating self-help, public policy and support for self-help.

German-American women played many roles in the US women's rights movement from 1848 to 1890. This book focuses on three figures-Mathilde Wendt, Mathilde Franziska Anneke, and Clara Neymann-who were simultaneously included and excluded from the nativist women's rights movement. Accordingly, their roles and arguments differed from those of their American colleagues, such as Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, or Lucy Stone. Moreover, German-American feminists were confronted with the opposition to the women's rights movement in their ethnic community of German-Americans. As outsiders in the women's rights movement they became critics; as "women of two countries" they became translators of feminist and ethnic concerns between German- Americans and the US women's rights movement; and as messengers they could bridge the gap between American and German women in a transatlantic space. This book explores the relationship between ethnicity and gender and deepens our understanding of nineteenth-century transatlantic relationships.

Concern is growing about children's rights and the curtailment of those rights through the excesses of neoliberal governance. This book discusses children's spatial and citizenship rights, and the ways young people and their families push against diminished rights. Armed initially with theoretical concerns about the construction of children through the political status quo and the ways youth rights are spatially segregated, the book begins with a disarmingly simple supposition: Young people have the right to make and remake their spaces and, as a consequence, themselves. This book de-centers monadic ideas of children in favor of a post-humanist perspective, which embraces the radical relationality of children as more-than-children/more-than-human. Its empirical focus begins with the struggles of Slovenian Izbrisani ('erased') youth from 1992 to the present day and reaches out to child rights and youth activists elsewhere in the world with examples from South America, Eastern Europe and the USA. The author argues that universal child rights have not worked and pushes for a more radical, sustainable ethics, which dares to admit that children's humanity is something more than we, as adults, can imagine. Chapters in this groundbreaking contribution will be of interest to students, researchers and practitioners in the social sciences, humanities and public policy.

This book evaluates the national implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in ASEAN. Working with country-specific research teams, the contributors compiled detailed case-studies of CRPD implementation in each country in ASEAN. This book presents a detailed overview of the problem, the relevant literature, and the conceptual framework, and then it explores the implementation of the CRPD in each of the ten countries in Southeast Asia. Details include the factors that influenced each country to ratify the CRPD, the focal point structure of implementation, the independent mechanism established to monitor the implementation, and the civil society organizations involved. This book also evaluates the implications of CRPD implementation for human rights and development in ASEAN, including the degree of institutionalized support for persons with disabilities, the development objectives of the CRPD against the strategic objectives of the ASEAN economic community and the broader ASEAN community, and the way these developments compare with those in other countries and regions. Working with country-specific research teams, the editors compiled detailed case-studies of CRPD implementation on each country in ASEAN. This book presents a detailed overview of the problem and the relevant literature. The contributors also offer conclusions on the research and national and ASEAN-level recommendations for moving forward.

A theoretical examination of the concepts of the citizen, citizenship, and leadership, A Crisis of Leadership and the Role of Citizens in Black America: Leaders of the New School proposes to develop a prototype or model of effective Black leadership. Furthermore, it examines "citizenship habits" of the Black community based on their economic standing, educational attainment, participation in the criminal justice system, and health and family structure. It tracks data in these four categories from 1970 to today, measuring effective leadership by the improvement or decline in the majority of African Americans standing in these four categories. This book concludes that African Americans have negative perceptions of themselves as U.S. citizens, which thus produce "bad citizenship habits." Additionally, ineffective Black leaders since the Civil Rights era have been unwilling to demonstrate the purpose and significance of service, particularly to the poor and disadvantaged members of the Black community. Contemporary Black leaders (post-Civil Rights Era) have focused primarily on self-promotion, careerism, and middle-class interests. A new type of leader is needed, one that stresses unity and reinforces commitment to the group as a whole by establishing new institutions that introduce community-building.

The American political scene today is poisonously divided, and the vast majority of white evangelicals plays a strikingly unified, powerful role in the disunion. These evangelicals raise a starkly consequential question for electoral politics: Why do they claim morality while supporting politicians who act immorally by most Christian measures? In this clear-eyed, hard-hitting chronicle of American religion and politics, Anthea Butler answers that racism is at the core of conservative evangelical activism and power. Butler reveals how evangelical racism, propelled by the benefits of whiteness, has since the nation's founding played a provocative role in severely fracturing the electorate. During the buildup to the Civil War, white evangelicals used scripture to defend slavery and nurture the Confederacy. During Reconstruction, they used it to deny the vote to newly emancipated blacks. In the twentieth century, they sided with segregationists in avidly opposing movements for racial equality and civil rights. Most recently, evangelicals supported the Tea Party, a Muslim ban, and border policies allowing family separation. White evangelicals today, cloaked in a vision of Christian patriarchy and nationhood, form a staunch voting bloc in support of white leadership. Evangelicalism's racial history festers, splits America, and needs a reckoning now.

Economic Restructuring and Social Exclusion provides a timely reminder of persisting inequalities of class, race and gender as a consequence of the changes which have engulfed Europe in less than a decade. The contributors consider key debates including democracy, social justice and citizenship. The book also examines evidence that social and economic polarization is increasing, and the prospect of a conspicuous and growing "underclass" in Europe's urban centres is fast becoming a reality. This volume will be particularly valuable for undergraduate and postgraduate students in sociology.

Patrolling the Homeland explores the tension surrounding the militarization of national borders through the perspective of US militia volunteers. Amidst a humanitarian crisis in which more than 7,800 people have lost their lives attempting to cross the border, US militias patrol the deserts along the Mexican border in camouflage, armed with assault rifles and night-vision goggles to "protect" the US. How and why US border militias conduct their activities is paramount to understanding similar movements, ideologies, and rhetoric around the world that oppose the movement of refugees and support the closing or restriction of international and regional borders. Based on extensive and engaging ethnography, Patrolling the Homeland explores not how people strive to be moral but how they maintain their self-perception as already and always moral individuals in spite of evidence to the contrary. This book signifies a creative and unique addition to morality and ethics through an honest and critical examination of a unique social movement indicative of contemporary society. A valuable read for anthropologists, sociologists, criminologists, and individuals interested in morality and ethics, militias, border studies, and policing.

During a period when African-American education was at the epicenter of the civil rights movement, Thompson's Journal documented the rapid growth of educational discrimination in the South despite significant increases in public school funding, providing irrefutable evidence that racially segregated public education was inherently discriminatory, hence, unconstitutional. Between 1932 and 1954, Thompson's editorials provided a nuanced, insider's account of one of the most successful policy research ventures in American history: the movement to overturn racial segregation as public policy, chronicling the rise during the Depression, World War II and the postwar period of a policy community committed to expanding human rights nationally and internationally. A brilliant essayist, Thompson sought to close the gap between America's democratic precepts and its undemocratic practices by molding public opinion favorable to a significant expansion of civil rights among scholars, policymakers and the public. An expert witness in several landmark higher education cases argued before the U. S. Supreme Court including Sipuel (1948), Sweatt (1950) and McLaurin (1950), Thompson's editorials provided an informed, eyewitness account of African-American teachers' pivotal role in the NAACP litigation campaign culminating in the landmark Brown et al v. Board of Education of Topeka et al (1954) desegregation ruling. This is the first, full-length study of Charles H. Thompson's contributions to American education and the civil rights movement.

"A Poverty of Rights" is an investigation of the knotty ties between citizenship and inequality during the years when the legal and institutional bases for modern Brazilian citizenship originated. Between 1930 and 1964, Brazilian law dramatically extended its range and power, and citizenship began to signify real political, economic, and civil rights for common people. And yet, even in Rio de Janeiro--Brazil's national capital until 1960--this process did not include everyone. Rio's poorest residents sought with hope, imagination, and will to claim myriad forms of citizenship as their own. Yet, blocked by bureaucratic obstacles or ignored by unrealistic laws, they found that their poverty remained one of rights as well as resources. At the end of a period most notable for citizenship's expansion, Rio's poor still found themselves akin to illegal immigrants in their own land, negotiating important components of their lives outside of the boundaries and protections of laws and rights, their vulnerability increasingly critical to important networks of profit and political power. In exploring this process, Brodwyn Fischer offers a critical re-interpretation not only of Brazil's Vargas regime, but also of Rio's twentieth-century urban history and of the broader significance of law, rights, and informality in the lives of the very poor.