Partisans on both the left and right wings of America's theory class and political spectrum believe we're in trouble, big trouble. The economy is limping along. Inequality has reached unprecedented levels. And we seem to be on the verge of being overwhelmed by immigrants who don't look and act anything like our grandparents did much less the men and women who founded our country. Angry, scared, disengaged and distrustful when we aren't openly antagonistic toward each other, Americans can't figure out who we are as a people and openly fret about our best days being behind us. To make matters worse, our political system, the one place we're supposed to be able to work on behalf of a broader public good with people who aren't like us, appears even more broken than these other parts of our culture. There's some unexpected good news, however, and it's coming from one of the last places in America you'd expect different people to be getting along: Boston. Bostonians - well known for their unwelcoming and sometimes violent treatment of newcomers and unwillingness to find common ground with people deemed outsiders - aren't acting broken or taking their resentments out on each other these days. They've turned instead to calmer ways of talking about each other and treating each other in public. Far from being disconnected and afraid, people in Boston are better connected and more respectful of each other, and their city is better organized and more orderly than at any time in its long and storied history. Bostonians have learned to get along with the strangers among them in ways their ancestors never knew or expected the rest of us would be willing to entertain much less master. They have their civic act together. Engaging Strangers explores how the people of Boston have learned to practice a more congenial and respectful set of civic virtues. In this book, the author provides a model for civic conduct for the rest of America to study and follow.

This book critically reviews state-religion models and the ways in which different countries manage religious diversity, illuminating different responses to the challenges encountered in accommodating both majorities and minorities. The country cases encompass eight world regions and 23 countries, offering a wealth of research material suitable to support comparative research. Each case is analysed in depth looking at historical trends, current practices, policies, legal norms and institutions. By looking into state-religion relations and governance of religious diversity in regions beyond Europe, we gain insights into predominantly Muslim countries (Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Turkey, Indonesia, Malaysia), countries with pronounced historical religious diversity (India and Lebanon) and into a predominantly migrant pluralist nation (Australia). These insights can provide a basis for re-thinking European models and learning from experiences of governing religious diversity in other socio-economic and geopolitical contexts. Key analytical and comparative reflections inform the introduction and concluding chapters. This volume offers a research and study companion to better understand the connection between state-religion relations and the governance of religious diversity in order to inform both policy and research efforts in accommodating religious diversity. Given its accessible language and further readings provided in each chapter, the volume is ideally suited for undergraduate and graduate students. It will also be a valuable resource for researchers working in the wider field of ethnic, migration, religion and citizenship studies.

At the end of the twentieth century with the increased flows of capital, ideas, commodities and peoples, migration - a central concern of early sociology - has again assumed global significance.The Sociology of Migration is a collection of over 15 articles covering such themes as the peculiarity of migrant labour, the dynamics of international labour migration, women migrants, enclaves and labour markets, the effects of remittances and return migration to the country of origin, migration and the social structure, refugees and displaced persons, the brain drain, migration in Asia and the effects of migration on the state-system. This substantial, skilfully edited volume addresses a difficult and complex area that cannot easily be studied through one textbook. This collection present - in one accessible volume - the articles and papers required to form a clear understanding of the area ensuring it will be widely used by sociologists and migration scholars.

The end of slavery and the Atlantic slave trade triggered wide-scale labor shortages across the U.S. and Caribbean. Planters looked to China as a source for labor replenishment, importing indentured laborers in what became known as "coolieism." From heated Senate floor debates to Supreme Court test cases brought by Chinese activists, public anxieties over major shifts in the U.S. industrial landscape and class relations became displaced onto the figure of the Chinese labor immigrant who struggled for inclusion at a time when black freedmen were fighting to redefine citizenship. Racial Reconstruction demonstrates that U.S. racial formations should be studied in different registers and through comparative and transpacific approaches. It draws on political cartoons, immigration case files, plantation diaries, and sensationalized invasion fiction to explore the radical reconstruction of U.S. citizenship, race and labor relations, and imperial geopolitics that led to the Chinese Exclusion Act, America's first racialized immigration ban. By charting the complex circulation of people, property, and print from the Pacific Rim to the Black Atlantic, Racial Reconstruction sheds new light on comparative racialization in America, and illuminates how slavery and Reconstruction influenced the histories of Chinese immigration to the West.

This book focuses on Michel Foucault's late work on rights in order to address broader questions about the politics of rights in the contemporary era. As several commentators have observed, something quite remarkable happens in this late work. In his early career, Foucault had been a great critic of the liberal discourse of rights. Suddenly, from about 1976 onward, he makes increasing appeals to rights in his philosophical writings, political statements, interviews, and journalism. He not only defends their importance; he argues for rights new and as-yet-unrecognized. Does Foucault simply revise his former positions and endorse a liberal politics of rights? Ben Golder proposes an answer to this puzzle, which is that Foucault approaches rights in a spirit of creative and critical appropriation. He uses rights strategically for a range of political purposes that cannot be reduced to a simple endorsement of political liberalism. Golder develops this interpretation of Foucault's work while analyzing its shortcomings and relating it to the approaches taken by a series of current thinkers also engaged in considering the place of rights in contemporary politics, including Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Jacques Ranciere.

This book takes up a wide variety of human security challenges beyond the dimension of human conflict, and looks at both natural and human disasters that the East Asian region faces or is attempting to resolve. While discussing various human security issues, the case studies offer practical lessons to address serious human security challenges in the framework of the ASEAN Plus Three and beyond. Against the backdrop of multifaceted globalization and parochial reactions thereto, this book is a powerful contribution to universal human security.

The Third World cities have been reinvented by the forces of globalization as the destinations of new investments, causing the migration of a teeming million to the major urban centers without any corresponding increase in the creation of new jobs and other basic amenities required for decent living. The problem of child labor has also been exacerbated to an unprecedented level in the urban areas of the Third World countries during this period. Yet the dominant discourses on this problem have come from the Western observers or have some prior Western presence in its understanding of the problem, which defers the Third Worldly understanding of the situation. The author argues that a paradigm shift is needed to incorporate various local discourses in order to effectively address the problem of child labor. Based on a decade of fieldwork among the poor and marginalized population in the city of Kolkata, Child Labor and the Urban Third World will give readers an idea of how this problem has become inextricably bound with various other local conditions, such as the security of tenure in the houses.

This major reference collection describes and reviews the contribution which geographers have made to the charting, description, analysis and understanding of this age-old phenomenon. Migration is one of the dominant forces reshaping modern societies. The traditional concerns of geographers with flows, spatial differentiation and the power of place have given them unique understandings in the study of migration relevant to contemporary problems. Geographers have been able to make a distinctive contribution to knowledge about this phenomenon, from the laws of Ravenstein to the humanistic accounts of those caught up in refugee movements. Geography and Migration includes macrolevel descriptions to examine whether migration takes place in discernible flows and whether there are regularities in migration patterns or in the characteristics, origin and behaviour of migrants. Micro and macro-level explanations follow and address the impact of life cycle, quality of life and search factors. The final section includes essays and papers on the impact of migration on participants, source areas and destinations.

This collection addresses three interrelated themes: the basic issues in contemporary German and European migration since 1945 with particular focus on new developments in the 80s; the ways in which the citizenship debate has proceeded and how immigration and citizenship have been handled in Western Europe; the ways migrants have responded to situations in receiving countries, focusing on institutional structures.

This impressive book brings together four essays, which along with an insightful introduction from Charles Rowley, provide a robust defence of the concept of classical liberalism in modern 'civil' society. In the first essay, Douglas Rasmussen and Douglas Uyl discuss the basic approaches and principles of liberalism in the post-modern age and show how a moral philosophy can serve to support a political philosophy. They supply a clear, fundamental defence of liberalism in an era which has become sceptical of its doctrines. This is followed by Peter Ordeshook's authoritative analysis of the foundations of democracy, in relation to the demise of communist ideology, particularly in the former Soviet Union. Paul Rubin then examines, from a libertarian perspective, the differing methods and degrees of success of adapting contract law in Russia, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland in the wake of political change. Finally, Mwangi S. Kimenyi provides an original study of highly centralized, unitary systems of government and the breakdown of civil society in Sub-Saharan Africa. He argues persuasively that institutional reform involving decentralization and federalism can better accommodate ethnic diversity in the area. With contributions from some of the most eminent scholars in the field, Classical Liberalism and Civil Society provides a rigorous justification of classical liberal polity.

This book is a follow-up volume to Same-Sex Marriage in the Americas: Policy Innovation for Same-Sex Relationships published by Lexington Books in 2010. It sheds light on regional, national, and individual-level factors that have led to major developments for same-sex relationship equality in Latin America and explores institutional, political, and social barriers for same-sex couples in the region. The first section of the book deals with general aspects of same-sex rights and policies in the Americas; including public opinion regarding same-sex marriage, diffusion of policy innovations for same-sex couples, judicialization of LGBT rights, and the role of the left in support of same-sex rights in Latin America. The second section examines country-cases regarding same-sex policies in Latin America and includes separate chapters on Central America, Argentina, Mexico, Colombia, and Uruguay. Overall, this research is innovative and unique because it covers the understudied policies of same-sex relationships in Latin America, despite its recent major developments, and includes both regional and national level analyses to explain such developments.

This is the first book to explore the different relationships between active citizenship and civil society, particularly the third sector within civil society. In what ways can the third sector nurture active citizenship? How have the third sector and active citizenship been constructed and reconstructed both locally and internationally, over recent years? To what extent have new kinds of social connectedness, changing forms of political engagement and increasingly complex social and environmental problems influenced civil society action? Written by experts in the field, this important book draws on a range of theory and empirical studies to explore these questions in different socio-political contexts and will be a useful resource for academics and students as well as practitioners.

This book approaches the issue of immigrant integration as a democratic justice problem. Based on Honneth's recognition theory, it introduces the concept of 'Just Integration', which challenges the capacity of the actual recognition order of the host society to include its immigrants as full members. The study criticizes the current political obsession to restore the social cohesion of the host society in the face of immigration. It argues that this perception inhibits host societies from recognizing their immigrants as individuals who have authentic skills, qualifications and identities in addition to their ethnic, cultural and religious attachments. The author applies the concept of 'Just Integration' to the real pathologies that immigrants/refugees suffer in Canada and Turkey, providing guidelines for progress towards better integration of immigrants within host societies and institutions.

A radical vision for the future of human rights as a fundamentally reconfigured framework for global justice. Reinventing Human Rights offers a bold argument: that only a radically reformulated approach to human rights will prove adequate to confront and overcome the most consequential global problems. Charting a new path-away from either common critiques of the various incapacities of the international human rights system or advocacy for the status quo-Mark Goodale offers a new vision for human rights as a basis for collective action and moral renewal. Goodale's proposition to reinvent human rights begins with a deep unpacking of human rights institutionalism and political theory in order to give priority to the "practice of human rights." Rather than a priori claims to universality, he calls for a working theory of human rights defined by "translocality," a conceptual and ethical grounding that invites people to form alliances beyond established boundaries of community, nation, race, or religious identity. This book will serve as both a concrete blueprint and source of inspiration for those who want to preserve human rights as a key framework for confronting our manifold contemporary challenges, yet who agree-for many different reasons-that to do so requires radical reappraisal, imaginative reconceptualization, and a willingness to reinvent human rights as a cross-cultural foundation for both empowerment and social action.

Whisnant argues that the period after Nazism was more important for the history of homosexuality in Germany than is generally recognized. Gay scenes resurfaced; a more masculine view of homosexuality also became prominent. Above all, a public debate about homosexuality emerged, constituting a critical debate within the Sexual Revolution.

In Search of Federal Enforcement is a call to investigate the history of federal oversight to secure and preserve black Americans' voting rights over a ninety-five-year interregnum. This book satiates the reader's harboring curiosity as to why the national government was culpably negligent in protecting the exercise of the franchise for black Americans until the 1965 Voting Rights Act. As Holloway explains, much of this problem stemmed from Southern Democrats operating in tandem with the power of private actors to circumvent the Fifteenth Amendment. This mutual-advantage partnership codified disfranchisement, safeguarded the interests of recalcitrant Southern states and localities, and defended local systems of privilege. In the pages of this timely study, Holloway lays bare the abject failure of the national government and critically evaluates how the Southern status quo stimulated chaos at the national level. Despite market paradigms, In Search of Federal Enforcement confronts this historical conundrum and offers keen observations about voting manipulations and electoral abuse by both incumbents and private actors.

Allan D. Cooper demonstrates how the resistance to slavery served to unveil the nature of freedom that made possible the abolition movement and anti-colonial struggles. The corpus of human rights law that has evolved over the past two centuries is constructed around the negation of slavery. This book analyzes how slavery mutated into racial identification that governments enforce against their own population to advance more efficient methods of discipline and control. The Shadow that Lingers reveals how race is used to traumatize human beings by embodying inferiority and powerlessness, even for whites that claim privilege under racialized regimes. As an ideology of power, race becomes contextualized to fit local cultures, resulting in contradictory understandings of race from one culture to another. This book focuses attention on how racial hybridity among mixed-race communities poses challenges for racial purists, and how such communities endeavor to construct racial identities that often differentiate themselves from being black. The book concludes with an analysis of how the pursuit of freedom inevitably requires the reification of a non-racial identity.

Hong Kong is in turmoil, with a new generation of young and politically active citizens shaking the regime. From the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the defeat of the Extradition Bill and beyond, the protestors' demands have become more radical, and their actions more drastic. Their bravery emboldened the labor movement and launched the first successful political strike in half a century, followed by the broadening of the democratic movement as a whole. The book also sets the new protest movements within the context of the colonization, revolution and modernization of China. Au Loong-Yu explores Hong Kong's unique position in this history and the reaction the protests have generated on the Mainland. But the new generation's aspiration goes far beyond the political. It is a generation that strongly associates itself with a Hong Kong identity, with inclusivity and openness. Looking deeper into the roots and intricacies of the movement, the role of 'Western Values' vs 'Communism' and 'Hong Kongness' vs 'Chineseness', the cultural and political battles are understood through a broader geopolitical history. For good or for bad, Hong Kong has become one of the battle fields of the great historic contest between the US, the UK and China.

Ensuring the protection of human rights in Europe has become a highly complex exercise. Where courts are faced with a human rights claim, they not only have to examine the validity of that claim, but they also need to have a clear understanding of the human rights catalogue that is to be applied (i.e. human rights as guaranteed by the national constitution, human rights as protected under EU law, based or not on the Charter, and human rights as identified in the European Convention of Human Rights). This book zooms in on various aspects of the interaction between courts in the complex European system of human rights protection. While other books take either a European or a national approach, this book studies both the co-existence between the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice, and the impact of this dual mechanism of European human rights protection on the protection offered within specific EU Member States. This makes the book valuable for academics and practitioners who specialize in fundamental rights, EU law, or constitutional law. (Series: Law and Cosmopolitan Values - Vol. 1)

Christopher Z. Hobson offers the first in-depth study of prophetic traditions in African American religion. Drawing on contemporary speeches, essays, sermons, reminiscences, and works of theological speculation from 1800 to 1950, he shows how African American prophets shared a belief in a ''God of the oppressed:'' a God who tested the nation's ability to move toward justice and who showed favor toward struggles for equality. The Mount of Vision also examines the conflict between the African American prophets who believed that the nation could one day be redeemed through struggle, and those who felt that its hypocrisy and malevolence lay too deep for redemption. Contrary to the prevalent view that black nationalism is the strongest African American justice tradition, Hobson argues that the reformative tradition in prophecy has been most important and constant in the struggle for equality, and has sparked a politics of prophetic integrationism spanning most of two centuries. Hobson shows too the special role of millennial teaching in sustaining hope for oppressed people and cross-fertilizing other prophecy traditions. The Mount of Vision incorporates a wide range of biblical scholarship illuminating diverse prophetic traditions as well as recent studies in politics and culture. It concludes with an examination of the meaning of African American prohecy today, in the time of the first African American presidency, the semicentenary of the civil rights movement, and the sesquicentennial of the American Civil War: paradoxical moments in which our ''post-racial'' society is still pervaded by injustice, and prophecy is not fulfilled but endures as a challenge.

The presidential election of 2008 ushered in a period of dramatic transformation. For many Americans, this was to become a time of expansionist government and invasive bureaucratic authority. Although reaction to these government initiatives varied, grassroots activists were concerned that liberties were being imperiled and that traditional personal freedom was being infringed on through regulation and the wholesale takeover of private enterprise. There was a public reaction on many fronts, such as the Tea Party movement. Political fervor was in the air as a megaphone of public dissatisfaction expressed itself as a desire to reclaim liberty. This book, based on a series of presentations at the Hudson Institute-Family Security Matters Conference, attempts to capture this spirit and explore the distinctly American belief in responding affirmatively to the challenges of this era.

Radical activist, thinker, comrade of Walter Rodney, Andaiye was one of the Caribbean's most important political voices. For the first time, her writings are published in one collection. Through essays, speeches, letters and journal entries, Andaiye's thinking on the intersections of gender, race, class and power are profoundly articulated, Caribbean histories emerge, and stories from a life lived at the barricades are revealed. We learn about the early years of the Working People's Alliance, the meaning and impact of the murder of Walter Rodney and the fall of the Grenada Revolution. Throughout, we bear witness to Andaiye's acute understanding of politics rooted in communities and the daily lives of so-called ordinary people. Featuring forewords by Clem Seecharan, Robin DG Kelley and Honor Ford-Smith, these texts will become vital tools in our own struggles to 'overturn the power relations which are embedded in every unequal facet of our lives'.

In Colonial America, democracy was centered in provincial assemblies and based on the collection of neighbors whose freehold ownership made them permanent stakeholders in the community. The removal of the property qualification for voting in the United States occurred over three-quarters of a century and was among the more important events in the history of democratization, functioning to shift voting from a corporate privilege toward a human right. Moving beyond the standard histories of property standard histories of property qualification removal, Justin Moeller and Ronald F. King adopt the theories and methods of social science to discover underlying patterns and regularities, attempting a more systematic understanding of subject. While no historical event has a single cause, party consolidation and party competition provided a necessary mechanism, making background factors politically relevant. No change in franchise rules could occur without the explicit consent of incumbent politicians, always sensitive to the anticipated impact. Moeller and King argue that political parties acted strategically, accepting or rejecting removal of the property qualification as a means of advancing their electoral position. The authors identify four different variants of the strategic calculation variable, significantly helping to explain both the temporal differences across states and the pattern of contestation with each state individually.

Neoliberal reforms have seen a radical shift in government thinking about social citizenship rights around the world. But have they had a similarly significant impact on public support for these rights? This unique book traces public views on social citizenship across three decades through attitudinal data from New Zealand, the United Kingdom and Australia. It argues that support for some aspects of social citizenship diminished more significantly under some political regimes than others, and that limited public resistance following the financial crisis of 2008-2009 further suggests the public 'rolled over' and accepted these neoliberal values. Yet attitudinal variances across different policy areas challenge the idea of an omnipotent neoliberalism, providing food for thought for academics, students and advocates wishing to galvanise support for social citizenship in the 21st century.