From Islamic extremism in Algeria to civil war in Iraq, this volume provides in-depth coverage of political and cultural conflict in the Middle East. Since the end of the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, conflict in the Middle East has been increasingly wrought with internal struggles, driven by ethnic, inter-communal, and religious differences. Islamic radicalism has grown as an internal threat, and foreign intervention is now a potential catalyst. Since 1990, the Middle East has twice witnessed the introduction of foreign armies, first to halt Iraqi expansionism, and more recently, to bring about regime change in Iraq. This perfect storm of factors has brought about a heightened level of instability, with numerous conflicts simmering in hot spots throughout the region. Explosive, in-depth chapters explore each conflict or latent conflict, including the history, the nature of the conflict, the factors involved, and any steps toward resolution. Hot spots covered include: The movement for Berber rights in Morocco; Shi'a opposition in Bahrain; Iraqi civil war and internal struggle for power; Iran's interstate conflict with the United States; and Islamic insurgency throughout the region. This volume is a must-have for up-to-the-minute coverage of hot spots in one of the world's most volatile regions. Supplies an introductory chapter that describes the critical factors that have shaped Middle East politics over the past half century, providing a lead-in to the complex discussions for non-expert readers Assesses the potential sources of internal conflicts and division within individual countries or subregions as well as its external conflicts, thereby identifying the links between these internal and external points of contention Specifically addresses Egypt, the Gulf states, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, the Maghreb, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen in dedicated chapters Recognizes and explains the prominent role of nonstate actors-including national liberation movements, transnational political movements, militant political parties, and terrorist organizations-and of foreign powers in determining Middle East politics

Based on more than one hundred interviews and group discussions with low-ranking soldiers, conscripts, and volunteers, this volume provides a unique perspective on the history, and analyzes the current status, of soldier unions and resistance movements in more than twenty countries. Beginning with the isolated, spontaneous incidents that characterized military protest in the mid-1960s, the study traces the changing profile of resistance movements in the conscript armies of Europe; the volunteer forces of the United States, Great Britain, Canada, and Australia; and the armed forces of Portugal, Chile, Iran, and the Phillipines. From the information and data collected, David Cortright and Max Watts hypothesize that resistance among low-ranking soldiers occurs only in countries with a high degree of capital accumulation, a new concept they refer to as the Threshold Theory of Military Resistance. Support for the Threshold Theory is based on data extracted from in-depth descriptions of the origins and organization of military unions and protest movements in Holland, West Germany, Scandinavia, France, Italy, Spain, East Germany, and the Soviet Union, as well as in countries below the threshold. A detailed examination of the United States army's resistance activities after the Vietnam conflict, its attempted unionization, and its continuing struggle with lack of discipline and low morale completes the global scope of this work. It will offer military sociologists, scholars, social scientists, soldiers, and veterans a singular survey of the dynamics of protest within the military around the world.

The United States Space Force, the sixth branch of the armed forces, will soon play a leading role in American foreign policy and will be necessary to protect its economic, political, and social interests at home and abroad. This book argues that America's newest branch of the armed forces, the United States Space Force, will soon play a key strategic role in American foreign policy, military and economic expansion, and technological innovation. Written by a leading expert on and member of the Space Force, the book offers an introduction to the Space Force, explains the urgent need for it, and walks readers through what exactly the Space Force is and is not. Drawing on dozens of interviews with high-ranking members of the armed forces, the author claims that, in the future, space will be the geopolitical center of world politics, as such countries as the U.S., Russia, and China jockey for control of it. America must therefore set aside partisan politics to make space a top priority, as a failure to do so will leave the U.S. and its citizens in a dangerous and vulnerable position on the world stage. The first comprehensive book on the United States Space Force and its role in national security The first synthesis of space power, national security, and U.S. grand strategy Includes interviews with senior people in the United States Space Force and American national security Outlines a comprehensive plan for ensuring American primacy in space

This book deals extensively with Iraq and Saddam Hussein--his rise to power, his mastery of Iraqi statecraft, his pan-Arab proclivities and his two Gulf wars: the first against Iran and the second against the U.S.-led multinational coalition in 1990-1991. Israeli sources, as well as materials gathered during a trip to Turkey and the Kurdish refugee areas in northern Iraq, provide additional perspective for the author and his analysis. The book portrays a multidimensional Saddam Hussein: good and bad, strategic and human. It throws light on the reasons the U.S. went to war against Saddam, and presents an in-depth analysis of the United States' policies, which at one time supported IraQ's cause, in the Gulf region. A valuable feature of the book is its detailed discussion of the psychology of Saddam, of the Arabs, the Iranians, the Israelis, and the American public before, during, and after the Gulf War.

Rezun's conclusions challenge generally accepted views that lay the blame for the war on Saddam Hussein. Although Saddam is a cruel and rapacious demagogue, U.S. policymakers are to blame for having supported Saddam for so long. The author also rejects the view that General Norman Schwartzkopf was a great hero of the last war. Contrary to general opinion, Schwartzkopf conducted a no-risk operation into which Saddam Hussein was caught because of his miscalculation of U.S. intentions. Critical of U.S. policies, Rezun finds them naive and short-sighted. Although disapproving of U.S. policies during the war, Rezun praises the support and sustenance given by the Bush administration to the Kurds in the final hours of the Gulf War. This book is addressed to generalists and academic specialists, and students of Middle East politics.

Western academics, politicians, and military leaders alike have labelled Russia's actions in Crimea and its follow-on operations in Eastern Ukraine as a new form of "Hybrid Warfare." In this book, Kent DeBenedictis argues that, despite these claims, the 2014 Crimean operation is more accurately to be seen as the Russian Federation's modern application of historic Soviet political warfare practices-the overt and covert informational, political, and military tools used to influence the actions of foreign governments and foreign populations. DeBenedictis links the use of Soviet practices, such as the use of propaganda, disinformation, front organizations, and forged political processes, in the Crimea in 2014 to the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 (the "Prague Spring") and the earliest stages of the invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Through an in-depth case study analysis of these conflicts, featuring original interviews, government documents and Russian and Ukrainian sources, this book demonstrates that the operation, which inspired discussions about Russian "Hybrid Warfare," is in fact the modern adaptation of Soviet political warfare tools and not the invention of a new type of warfare.

American women have had a sterling tradition of courage, sacrifice, and dedication in support roles in the armed services in times of war, and as spies, guerrilla leaders, and frontline correspondents. Most of their heroics and deeds have largely gone unreported, even though many have been killed in the line of duty, died of diseases or accidents, or suffered as prisoners of war.^L ^L Focusing on human drama, this riveting book tells vividly of women's achievements in uniform going back to World War I. It also relates in compelling style the heated controversy over sending women into combat, a dispute that contributed to the suicide of Admiral Jeremy Boorda in 1996. The Gulf War of 1991 saw 37,000 women serve in uniform who, like their predecessors, performed admirably and demonstrated courage under fire. This war and the subsequent Tailhook scandal renewed the call by feminist groups and their supporters in Congress to have the military remove, once and for all, the restrictions barring women from direct combat. While some saw this struggle as a quest for equality and opportunity in uniform, others fought just as vigorously to keep women out of combat. The 1990s saw women assigned to ships, to aircraft, and to jobs previously denied them due to an easing of the long-standing combat restrictions. This resulted in a nationwide debate which, many allege, contributed to the suicide of Admiral Jeremy Boorda in 1996.^L ^L Allowing women to serve in the military during wartime has been a subject of controversy since World War I, when, for the first time in history, thousands answered the same patriotic call to duty as the men and volunteered. Unlike the men, however, these pioneers were targets of gossip and branded as camp followers by some. Since that time, some 3.5 million American women have served their country as spies, nurses, guerrillas, or war correspondents. Many of these volunteers were wounded or died in the line of duty, others suffered as prisoners of war-all with little or no recognition. During World War II, the military actively recruited women to fill support roles in an effort to free more able-bodied men for combat duty. This resulted in the creation of women's branches of the armed services, which enabled women to take on even greater challenges and more diversified roles than previously allowed. These new organizations included:^L WAACs-later WACs (Army)^L WAVEs (Navy)^L SPARs (Coast Guard)^L Marine Corps Women's Reserve^L WASPs (ferrying airplanes)^L These groups attracted more than 350,000 volunteers. The tradition of volunteering continued on through conflicts in Korea and Vietnam, and each time, American women met their challenges with honor and distinction.^L^L ^IWar and American Women^R brings to life the compelling story of the ordinary and extraordinary women who served their country in times of war. Their largely unreported and unacknowledged acts of heroism are vividly recounted by an author whose style has been described by ^IThe New York Times^R as vintage Hemingway.

The Unesco Yearbook on Peace and Conflict Studies 1981 is the second annual Unesco yearbook and contains the latest information on peace and conflict studies. Part I, Trends and Approaches in Peace and Conflict Studies, includes essays which discuss the scope and priorities in peace research, the methodology of peace research in the USSR, the role of women in peace research, and the reorientation of the empirical study of international conflict. Part II is a bibliographical essay, the subject of which is non-violent action and civilian defense. Part III, Unesco Meetings Concerning Peace and Conflict, lists and reports on Unesco's activities. The focus in 1981 is on the World Congress on Disarmament Education. Part IV surveys institutional developments in peace research, reporting on international organizations, regional groups, and national institutions in numerous countries. The annual publication of Peace and Conflict Studies will aid the study of international relations from a historical-developmental perspective.