1. Intentionally written for a multidisciplinary readership, this book will be suitable for advanced courses in the UK, North America and Australia on Global Justice, across Criminology, Sociology, Political Science, Philosophy and to a lesser extent Law. 2. The focus of the book throughout is to link theory and concepts with practice. Aimed at advance undergraduate and postgraduate level, pedagogical features include lists of further reading and discussion questions. 3. This book is unique in linking theory with practice, while other books are either entirely theoretical or all about practice. Criminological books in the area focus exclusively on crime types and miss multidisciplinary discussion of broader issues.

This book presents securitization as a communication issue, and addresses security framing as a question of identity, a relevant and timely topic, especially considering the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 This book combines media framing with the theory of securitization to explain how the discourse of security informs media content, and what happens to policy and public understanding when it does It brings together distinct fields within communication studies to reflect on the pressing issue of securitization It will be a key resource for scholars and students working in the fields of mass communication, policy studies, critical linguistics, and international relations, as well as risk and crisis communication

Originally published in 2003 and now reissued with a new introduction, this collection provides an invaluable, academic resource on the challenges bioterrorism posed for American society and institutions. Critically selected essays from a wide range of disciplines document and analyze the problems and implications for political, economic, and legal institutions, as well as the challenges a weapon of disease and fear can impose on public health and public policy. By placing bioterrorism into its historical context, this collection also traces the academic research and historical decisions that have contributed to the formation of American policies attempting to cope with a potentially catastrophic attack on the population in general and urban population in particular.

During the few years prior to publication there had been a growing interest not only in the organisation and efficiency of the British Army, but also in its role in modern British society and the place of soldiering as a significant career. The time was therefore ripe for a book such as this, which looks objectively at the position of our Army whilst at the same time showing the actual experience of a Regular soldier. Originally published in 1972, Colonel Baynes's book was largely written during a year's Defence Fellowship at Edinburgh University in 1968-9, where he worked under Professor John Erickson in the Higher Defence Studies sections of the Department of Politics. He begins by examining the ways in which armies can be used, and then turns to more specific issues connected with the employment of the British Army in the modern world. He summarises what the British Army has accomplished since 1945 and how its strength has varied, and follows with a chapter on the cost of maintaining it. The core of the book revolves around three basic questions. First, what, in the 1970s, does British society really think about its Army, and what sort of army does it want? Second, how can soldiers be kept keen and efficient in a period of prolonged peace? And third, who will join the Army in the coming years, what will their conditions of service be like and what are their career opportunities? Some of Colonel Baynes's solutions to these problems are likely to be unpopular with traditionalists, although he is by no means an iconoclast and has a deep affection for, and belief in, his own profession. At the time this book was strongly recommended to all with an interest in the security of this country and the future of its armed forces: both those serving in them and civilians.

Why do reasonable people lead their nations into the tremendously destructive traps of international conflict? Why do nations then deepen their involvement and make it harder to escape from these traps? In Paradoxes of War, originally published in 1990, Zeev Maoz addresses these and other paradoxical questions about the war process. Using a unique approach to the study of war, he demonstrates that wars may often break out because states wish to prevent them, and continue despite the desperate efforts of the combatants to end them. Paradoxes of War is organized around the various stages of war. The first part discusses the causes of war, the second the management of war, and the third the short- and long-term implications of war. In each chapter Maoz explores a different paradox as a contradiction between reasonable expectations and the outcomes of motivated behaviour based on those expectations. He documents these paradoxes in twentieth century wars, including the Korean War, the Six Day War, and the Vietnam War. Maoz then invokes cognitive and rational choice theories to explain why these paradoxes arise. Paradoxes of War is essential reading for students and scholars of international politics, war and peace studies, international relations theory, and political science in general.

Originally published in 1994, the late Keith F. Otterbein's scholarship had followed an overall design since 1962, when he began conducting comparative studies of warfare using both ethnographic and cross-cultural methods. Through a conceptual framework derived from systems theory, he made signal contributions to our understanding of the role of warfare in human social evolution. He formulated a Fraternal Interest Group theory, utilizing it to explain not only feuding and warfare but also rape and capital punishment. Believing that armed combat is learned behaviour, he posed questions about its learning process that had yet to be answered. He acted as a major synthesizer of the growing literature on warfare and led attempts among anthropologists to apply their knowledge of war and peace to current events. This volume will serve both as a useful introduction to the anthropology of war and as a needed compendium of Professor Otterbein's ideas.

Why do nations go to war? Is war an institutionalized outlet for our aggressive instincts? Or is it a cultural invention rather than a biological necessity? Originally published in 1990, Eric Carlton, looking across a number of societies investigates why men and women go to war, and how they are able to commit atrocities against their enemy. He believes that central to these issues is the perception of the enemy and the ways in which this is 'converted' - consciously or unconsciously - into an ideology of aggression. Military training and ideology are based upon the definition of the enemy as 'the other', and studies in the text reveal the importance of the stereotyped image of the enemy when soldiers carry out atrocities. Dr Carlton explores the underlying problem of how and why societies resort to war, by analysing the motivations, usually religious and ideological, which legitimize warlike policies and activities. Fascinating case studies consider the ways in which the enemy has been seen in various historical and comparative contexts: for instance, to ancient Egyptians the enemy were non-people, to Romans uncouth barbarians, to Maoists class antagonists. These studies underline the fact that perceptions of the adversary determine the nature of warfare more than any other single factor. The book is unique in its discussion of the idea of the enemy in warfare and military ideology, and in its use of an historical method to comment on situations which are still relevant to the modern world. Its historical and comparative perspective, and its extensive case studies, make it of great value and interest to students of history, sociology, and politics, as well as to those engaged in war studies.

Many people believe that the violent and disruptive nature of war makes a military ethic impossible. The authors of this book, originally published in 1986 however, develop an ethical system that aims to control the military monster at least to some degree, rather than one that preaches to it idealistically - with little or no effect. Military ethics, they believe, must be an ethics for peacetime as well as an ethics for war, an ethics for soldiers in the field as well as an ethics for political leaders, and their book is designed to meet these needs. It presents a practical, utilitarian approach: an ethics of what is possible rather than what is ideal, drawing on real military experience and different from any other work previously published. The authors argue that both the pacifists, who claim that the horrible and ungovernable nature of war makes it morally wrong, and the realists, who believe that wars must be fought, but fought without moral scruple, are mistaken. They show that careful attention to the actual circumstances in which individual combatants function and the social institutions shaping their action allows genuine moral constraint. With its emphasis on real problems, Military Ethics will be of practical help to policy makers and military personnel at all levels, as well as being of great interest to students of applied philosophy and ethics.

Is there a place left in international politics for the real use of violence as an instrument of policy in the nuclear age? Originally published in 1981, Dr Atkinson attempts to answer this question with new considerations in the presentation of a general theory of strategy. He argues that the classical theory of strategy, so influential for the 19th century and for the better half of the 20th century, was built on a mainly hidden structure of reasoning that still infests theory today. The larger and socially-rooted lessons that insurgent warfare can inform, as best exemplified in the primary sources of the Chinese Civil War period, reveal in a new light this hidden structure of which Clausewitz is the earliest and most eloquent example. By this analysis of the insurgent and classical paradigm opposites the author intends to strip away the blinds of convention still circulating in theory today so that observers and students of international politics may see where new forms of politically motivated violence in the nuclear age seem more than ever to be headed. Here we have perfect paradigm opposites. In the conventional world battle-field action and ideally 'decisive battle' is the center of all other issues in which such conventional logic in the end sweeps up everything else and runs it back through the logic into success or failure of armed power on the battle-field. Everything hangs on this. In the 'revisionist' insurgent world where social order is weaponized as an object and source of military power through its inherent and valuable (armed) power structures social order replaces narrow battle-field action (ideally focused on 'decisive battle') and alternatively redirects the entire logic and all other considerations, including previously heroic conventional military assets, are remodeled to act against (armed) enemy power structures inherent (as always) in social order for the ultimate object of military victory. Again, everything is on this alone. Which paradigm - one the opposite mirror image of the other - will prevail will depend on the stability and power of the nation state and its institutions, the continued and unhappy collapse on which I base the General Theory.

'The Duke is a soldier - a bad education for a statesmen in a free country'. Sir Walter Scott's fear of the political soldier has long been part of Western political life. Yet although many countries would have preferred to keep the military out of politics few have been successful. Originally published in 1976, this book examines the careers of five distinguished twentieth century soldiers and assesses their contribution as statesmen. Hindenburg, Byng, Franco, Eisenhower and De Gaulle all came into political life in different circumstances, but none did so in the name of the profession or to establish a praetorian state. Each was a professional soldier who found himself drawn into the political arena. Each of these essays illuminates one aspect of the range of political, sociological and historical issues which now surround the interrelationship of civil and military. At a time when the tensions of democracy, both internally and externally, impose increasing pressure on the role of the military in society it is important to study the history of soldiers-as-statesmen.

Originally published in 1976, this book explores the relationship between European society and the military institutions it fostered from 1815-1918. In the period from the fall of Napoleonic imperialism to the outbreak of the First World War armies and navies grew in complexity, cost and size. The first half of this book investigates these institutions from within, and looks at some of the factors which held them together in an increasingly difficult and hostile world, at their self-image, and at the pressures upon them from society at large. As the role of military institutions within society increased in importance, analysts began to look for the effects which this interpenetration had on society. Part 2 is concerned with the effects of this growing dominance of society by its defenders. By the end of period covered by this book, the age of total mobilisation for the war effort was upon us. In a sense this second part of the book reinforces the conclusions of the first, that military institutions are separate from the societies which surround them, and between the two a growing gap of misunderstanding and incomprehension yawned.

The ethics of changemaking and peacebuilding may appear straightforward: advance dignity, promote well-being, minimize suffering. Sounds simple, right? Actually acting ethically when it really matters is rarely straightforward. If someone engaged in change-oriented work sets out to "do good," how should we prioritize and evaluate whose good counts? And, how ought we act once we have decided whose good counts? Practitioners frequently confront dilemmas where dire situations may demand some form of response, but each of the options may have undesirable consequences of one form or another. Dilemmas are not merely ordinary problems, they are wicked problems: that is to say, they are defined by circumstances that only allow for suboptimal outcomes and are based on profound and sometimes troubling trade-offs. Wicked Problems argues that the field of peacebuilding and conflict transformation needs a stronger and more practical sense of its ethical obligations. For example, it argues against posing false binaries between domestic and international issues and against viewing violence and conflict as equivalents. It holds strategic nonviolence up to critical scrutiny and shows that "do no harm" approaches may in fact do harm. The contributors include scholars, scholar practitioners in the field, and activists on the streets, and the chapters cover the role of violence in conflict; conflict and violence prevention and resolution; humanitarianism; community organizing and racial justice; social movements; human rights advocacy; transitional justice; political reconciliation; and peace education and pedagogy, among other topics. Drawing on the lived experiences and expertise of activists, educators, and researchers, Wicked Problems equips readers to ask-and answer-difficult questions about social change work.

"This was the very life I had been desirous of leading. To mix with the Mexican rancheros and see more of their manner of living. "When the news came that a treaty of peace had actually been signed with Mexico we joyfully turned our face homewards that is towards the sea coast, taking with us the heavy guns which had been an object of so much care and solicitude in the past." Often thought of as the inventor of baseball, Abner Doubleday was first and foremost a soldier. Graduated from West Point in 1842 (where his record characterizes him as "correct in his deportment, social and communicative. . . rather adverse to outdoor sports and retiring in his manner"), Doubleday was an active participant in the Mexican War (1840s), the Seminole Wars in Florida (1850s), a veteran of service on the Texas frontier (1850s, 1870s), the man who ordered the first Union salvo from Fort Sumter in April 1861, and a veteran of many Civil War battles, including Gettysburg and Chancellorsville. He retired from the United States Army in 1873 and died in 1893. Doubleday was also the author of two published books on his Civil War experiences. My Life in the Old Army, however, is composed of a set of previously unpublished writings (the originals are housed at the New-York Historical Society) primarily about Doubleday's tour of duty during the Mexican War. He was on hand for the first shots of the war, for the battles of Monterrey and Buena Vista, and later served in Saltillo after the campaign moved farther south toward Mexico City. Fluent in Spanish, he traveled far and wide in Mexico and describes his experiences. "This is the very life I had been desirous of leading," he writes. "To mix with the Mexican rancheros and see more of their manner of living." The volume includes chapters on campaigns against hostile Native Americans in Texas and Florida. Throughout his life, according to editor Joseph Chance, Doubleday collected anecdotes and stories of the great and the forgotten military men of the United States. Thus the book closes with a light-hearted final chapter about the "Old Army." Whether Doubleday invented baseball during one of his many tours in Texas may never be known. His narrative mentions nothing of the great American pastime. Copious notes and a complete bibliography enhance the volume.

This book examines the contours of the Sino-American confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations-change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conf licting ideologies of the two states-and emphasizes why it is imperative for the U.S. to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics and consequently why conf lict-certainly cold, and very possibly hot-is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the U.S. can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, and U.S. and Chinese politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, and the interested general reader.

This book examines the contours of the Sino-American confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations-change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conf licting ideologies of the two states-and emphasizes why it is imperative for the U.S. to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics and consequently why conf lict-certainly cold, and very possibly hot-is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the U.S. can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, and U.S. and Chinese politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, and the interested general reader.

This book, first published in 1983, is a compilation of some 50,000 acronyms and abbreviations used by the British, American, German and Soviet military. It enables the researcher to understand the language of the Armed Forces, their armaments and the related technology, and to reach a greater understanding of the capabilities and duties of the Armed Forces at the end of the Cold War. The Dictionary covers all the services and their technology, and is an indispensable reference work.

Isaiah Berlin's liberalism seems both dated and essential in an era of ideological extremes. Berlin's vision of liberalism rejected metaphysics, philosophies of history, and particular conceptions of the good, setting a pattern for Anglo-American political thought that is still influential and may offer resources for understanding the resurgence of ideology in the twenty-first century, but one that also seems to be firmly embedded in the Cold War opposition of liberalism against Marxism. In this volume, ten political theorists reconsider Berlin's thought-especially his famous essay, "Two Concepts of Liberty"-in the light of contemporary political developments such as populism. Several contributors focus on Berlin's neglected idea of political "maturity" as holding a key to his thought, making it an important site of contestation over his legacy. Others analyse Berlin's notoriously fraught definition of liberty and his understanding of value pluralism; situate him as a Cold War liberal; and relate his work to that of contemporaries such as Raymond Aron and Leo Strauss. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review.

The first COVID-19 case in the US was reported on January 20, 2020. As the first cases were being reported in the US, Washington State became a reliable source not just for hospital bed demand based on incidence and community spread but also for modeling the impact of skilled nursing facilities and assisted living facilities on hospital bed demand. Various hospital bed demand modeling efforts began in earnest across the United States in university settings, private consulting and health systems. Nationally, the University of Washington Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation seemed to gain a footing and was adopted as a source for many states for its ability to predict the epidemiological curve by state, including the peak. This book therefore addresses a compelling need for documenting what has been learned by the academic and professional healthcare communities in healthcare analytics and disaster preparedness to this point in the pandemic. What is clear, at least from the US perspective, is that the healthcare system was unprepared and uncoordinated from an analytics perspective. Learning from this experience will only better prepare all healthcare systems and leaders for future crisis. Both prospectively, from a modeling perspective and retrospectively from a root cause analysis perspective, analytics provide clarity and help explain causation and data relationships. A more structured approach to teaching healthcare analytics to students, using the pandemic and the rich dataset that has been developed, provides a ready-made case study from which to learn and inform disaster planning and preparedness. The pandemic has strained the healthcare and public health systems. Researchers and practitioners must learn from this crisis to better prepare our processes for future pandemics, at minimum. Finally, government officials and policy makers can use this data to decide how best to assist the healthcare and public health systems in crisis.

This book outlines challenges to the effective operation of regional economic communities (RECs) with regards to peacebuilding in Africa. Critically examining these issues from an interdisciplinary perspective, with a focus on comparative analysis of the status, role, and performances of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), it examines particular constraints to their effective participation in regional initiatives. Focussing on inadequate technical capabilities, the complicity of state and non-state actors in conflicts within a region, the domestic politics of member states, it additionally addresses related theories and practices of peacekeeping, security, development, and the peacebuilding nexus. It also engages provisioning, regionalism, and regional peacekeeping interventions, the legal and institutional framework of RECs, and civil society and peacebuilding. Fundamentally, the book asks how effective the alliances and partnerships are in promoting regional peace and security and how much they are compromised by the intervention of external powers and actors, exploring new ideas and actions that may strengthen capacities to address the peacebuilding challenges on the continent effectively. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of African politics and studies, peace and security studies, regionalism studies, policy practitioners in the field of African peacebuilding, and more broadly to international relations. The Open Access version of this book, available at: http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003093695, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

This book focuses on security dynamics in the contemporary Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. It highlights the development of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, the contemporary challenges and opportunities confronting the principal powers that are active in this important sub-region, and analyzes and evaluates their policy responses. The various perspectives of the chapters all suggest that the stability and security of the Gulf sub-region is now and will continue in the future to be of vital importance to the global community. The chapters that compose the volume are organized into three thematic sections. Part I, 'Security Challenges and Power Configurations in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula: The Historical Context', comprises three chapters. Part II, consisting of seven chapters, is entitled, 'Contemporary Security Challenges and Opportunities in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.' Part III, 'Contemporary National Interests, Objectives, and Strategies of the Major Powers in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula', comprises five chapters. Finally, the volume ends with a concluding chapter. Unfortunately, the contemporary unstable, heterogeneous Gulf sub-region is fraught with extremely serious and often urgent challenges that threaten the sub-region's security. This volume helps to illuminate the nature of the sub-regional environment and the contemporary challenges and opportunities that confront the various powers that are active in the Gulf. It also contributes to a greater understanding of the interests, contemporary objectives, and strategies of those powers as they formulate and implement policies in response to the challenges and opportunities that they confront. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, Middle Eastern politics and International Relations.

Gaining a decisive technological edge is a never-ending pursuit for defense establishments and the countries they protect. Intensifying geo-strategic and geo-economic rivalry among major powers, especially the U.S. and China, and the global technology revolution occurring in the civilian and military domains promise to reshape the nature and distribution of global power. This book examines the state of global defense innovation in a select number of countries chosen because they are representative of the diverse make-up of the global defense innovation community. These include small countries with advanced defense innovation capabilities (Israel and Singapore), closed authoritarian powers (North Korea and Russia), large catch-up states (China and India), and advanced large powers (U.S.). The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Strategic Studies.

Provides tools to challenge intelligence assessments systematically and as objectively as possible, a prerequisite to vetted intelligence conclusions Outlines diagnostic techniques that can be used to explain events or data sets, anticipate potential outcomes, predict future trends, and make decisions for optimal outcomes Details how to conduct research to effectively write, edit, format, and disseminate reports to best effect

Provides unique and cutting-edge insights into the relationship of political, (post)colonial and economic determinants of gendered and racialized violence. Bridges feminist political economy with feminist security studies in IR scholarship. Very timely, given the ongoing issues with Colombia's peace process.

This book, first published in 1970, is an important study of Russia's security services from their earliest years to the mid-twentieth century. Ronald Hingley demonstrates how the secret police acted, both under the Tsars and under Soviet rule, as a key instrument of control exercised over all fields of Russian life by an outstandingly authoritarian state. He analyses the Tsarist Third Section and Okhrana and their role in countering Russian revolutionary groups, and examines the Soviet agencies as they assumed the roles of policeman, judge and executioner. This masterly evaluation of Russian and Soviet secret police makes extensive use of hard-to-find Russian documentary sources, and is the first such research that studies Russian political security (Muscovite, Imperial and Soviet) as a whole.

This book, first published in 1980, presents a comprehensive and detailed look at the problem of international militarisation. It examines the key issues, the meaning of the problem, the international context and the spread of militarism to the Third World, its fast growth and dangerous implications - including to the development of often poorer countries.