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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > General
This volume of especially commissioned essays explores the
geography of, and the role of geography in, national and
proto-national identity.
Corporatism is the third great ideolgy of modern social and political organization and it is one of the main organizing concepts used in comparative political analysis. This study traces corporatism in history, analyzes its modern practice and shows the rise of corporatism in the US.
Ideology studies have undergone significant growth over the past couple of decades. The scope of the discipline has been extensively broadened to include not only text and discourse but emotions, imagination, fantasy, rhetoric and visual forms. Its attention to detail and to the micro-manifestations of ideology in the everyday have borne considerable fruit, particularly at a time of ideological fragmentation and reassembly. Its research methods have been refined, embracing both conceptual innovation and empirical evidence drawn from many fields of social creativity. During that period, the Journal of Political Ideologies has been a major vehicle of the discipline's advance and coming of age. The chapters in this book originally published as two special issues in the Journal. The book assembles and investigates some of the latest approaches and domains in which cutting-edge ideology-research is now under way. The multiple topics, sources and interdisciplinary perspectives it contains illustrate the variety and depth that ideology studies have attained. Its subjects range from historical and literary analyses, through feminist studies, and psycho-social interpretations. It takes in the new means of dissemination that the digital age has introduced, and offers fresh assessments of the many cross-fertilizations possible between ideology research, political theory, and international studies, as traditional ideologies vie with new ideological articulations and forms.
A probing study of the interactions between ideological trends and economic reform. The book explores an important but frequently neglected issue: the transformation from the orthodox anti-market doctrine into a more elastic and pro-business one, and from Mao's radical, totalitarian approach to Deng's gradualist, developmental, authoritarian approach.
More than any other topic in social science, the study of social movements provides an opportunity to combine social theory with political action. Such study is a key to understanding the motivations, successes, and failures of thousands who aspire to high ideals of justice, but who sometimes aid in perpetuating inhumane political acts and systems. Building upon the past twenty years' developments in theory and research, "Social Movements "combines original theoretical and methodological approaches with penetrating analyses of contemporary movements from the sixties to the present. Anthony Oberschall argues that social movements are central to contemporary politics in both Western and Third World nations. They are not quaint stepchildren to public policy and social change that disappear as nations modernize. Collective action by the citizenry, spilling beyond the boundaries of routine politics is an integral part of the process of creative destruction that Joseph Schumpeter ascribed to modern capitalism and all dynamic, modern societies. Among the subjects that OberschaU examines in "Social Movements "are the Civil Rights movement, decline of the New Left, the feminist movement, the New Christian Right, the tobacco control movement, collective violence in U.S. industrial relations, and some comparative historical movements, including the Cultural Revolution in China, the abortive 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, political strife in postcolonial Africa, and the sixteenth-century European witch craze. In looking beyond the immediate political circumstances of these social movements, Oberschall points the way to achieving the next major task of social movement theory: a more satisfactory understanding of the dynamics and course of social movements and counter movements and a method of accounting for the outcomes of public controversies. Free of jargon and technical terminology, "Social Movements "is written for sociologists, political scientists, historians, professionals dealing with conflict and resolution, students and the lay public interested in public affairs.
Recent Italian political life has been transformed by the demise of the Italian Communist Party, the growth of the federalist Northern Leagues and the collapse of the Christian Democrats, the Socialists and their government allies in the wake of the Tangentopoli (Kickback City) scandals. This study charts the breakdown of the old party system and examines the changed political climate that allowed Silvio Berlusconi and his allies to emerge as the political masters of Italy. The sections of the book are organized in such a way as to combine up to date information with reflection on longer term trends and problems. This book should be of interest to both students and scholars of west European politics, comparative politics and Italian studies as well as the general reader who wishes to make sense of the contemporary Italian political landscape.
Ernst Bloch is perhaps best known for his subtle and imaginative
investigation of utopias and utopianism, but his work also provides
a comprehensive and insightful analysis of western culture,
politics and society. Yet, because he has not been one of easiest
of writers to read his full contribution has not been widely
acknowledged. Block developed a complex conceptual framework, and
presented this in a prose style which many have found to verge on
the impenetrable.
In the 21st century, China has become impossible to ignore. At the same time, a vast array of perceptions and judgments of China's actions and future have arisen. The confusion, Leah Zhu postulates, is explained by decades of traditional modus operandi, which began in the Maoist Era and misconceives China as a 'collectivist' culture. This book, however, seeks to re-explore thousands of years of China's history to demonstrate the country's adherence to an alternative principle, 'relationalism'. Tracing the pervasive power of 'relationalism' before and after Maoism, it examines the major aspects of Chinese culture, including politics, sociology, psychology and diplomacy. In doing so, it reveals the power of 'relationalism' as the core frame of reference behind contemporary Chinese beliefs and practices. Furthermore, armed with this newly established framework, this book ultimately provides a helpful analysis of China's past political, economic, and judiciary reforms and of how they are faring under the control of the current regime. Featuring extensive evidence and analysis of Chinese culture from ancient rites through to the 21st century, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Chinese culture, politics and society. It will also appeal to social scientists and sociologists more broadly.
The Ethics of a Potential Urbanism explores the possible and potential relevance of Giorgio Agamben's political thoughts and writings for the theory and the practice of architecture and urban design. It sketches out the potentiality of Agamben's politics, which can affect change in current architectural and design discourses. The book investigates the possibility of an inoperative architecture, as an ethical shift for a different practice, just a little bit different, but able to deactivate the sociospatial dispositive and mobilize a new theory and a new project for the urban now to come. This particular reading from Agamben's oeuvre suggests a destituent mode of both thinking and practicing of architecture and urbanism that could possibly redeem them from their social emptiness, cultural irrelevance, economic reductionism and proto-avant-garde extravagance, contributing to a renewed critical 'encounter' with architecture's aesthetic-political function.
As a field of rich theoretical development and practical application, political communication has expanded over the past fifty years. Since its development shaped by the turmoil of the World Wars and suspicion of new technologies such as film and radio, the discipline has become a hybrid field largely devoted to connecting the dots between political rhetoric, politicians and leaders, voters' opinions, and media exposure to better understand how any one aspect can affects the others. The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication provides contexts for viewing the field of political communication, examines political discourse, media, and considers political communication's evolution inside the altered political communication landscape. Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson bring together some of the most groundbreaking scholars in the field to reflect upon their areas of expertise to address the importance of their areas of study to the field, the major findings to date, including areas of scholarly disagreement, on the topics, the authors' perspectives, and unanswered questions for future research to address. Their answers reveal that political communication is a hybrid with complex ancestry, permeable boundaries and interests that overlap with those of related fields such as political sociology, public opinion, rhetoric, neuroscience and the new hybrid on the quad, media psychology. This comprehensive review of the political communication literature is designed to become the first reference for scholars and students interested in the study of how, why, when, and with what effect humans make sense of symbolic exchanges about sharing and shared power. The sixty-two chapters in The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication contain an overview of past scholarship while providing critical reflection of its relevance in a changing media landscape and offering agendas for future research and innovation.
This title was first published in 2000: An original explanation for the importance South Africans attachment to ethnic and racial group categories in everyday speech and practice. The answers emerge by presenting a history of dominant and resistance discourses as they relate to collective identity - a move which breaks with prevailing approaches to South African political history, problematises ethnic group categories and offers new ways of seeing old debates.
This title was first published in 2003. Mexico's presidential election in 2000 marked the end of 71 years of one-party rule, after a slow process of emergence of democratic institutions and viable second-party candidates. Yet the process of democratization has been uneven, proceeding much more rapidly in some regions than in others. This book examines whether diffusion processes have been at work or whether broader national processes of change have unfolded across an uneven socio-economic map. Using new methods of spatial econometrics, it explores how multi-party politics have emerged in a single country, testing both spatial diffusion and political development theories. Mexico makes an interesting study - with its contrasting borders, different kinds of geography, and levels of industrialisation and development, it involves a wide range of variables as well as socio-economic aspects of the population that display sharp regional differentiation.
This analysis of every facet of a national identity makes it less likely that the next great explosion in the Commmunist world - and its consequences - will come as a surprise. It investigates tendencies in China that might lead it down the same path as Russia and Yugoslavia.
"Doctrines of Development" examines the history of the idea of
development and of the doctrines which governments have used to
practice development policy. Beginning with the 19th century
"invention" of modern development, the authors discuss Marx's early
critique of development doctrine and the creation of the idea of
underdevelopment.
Christian democracy has been one of the most successful political movements in post-war Western Europe yet its crucial impact on the development of the modern European welfare state has been neglected. In this study, Kees van Kersbergen demonstrates the precise nature of the links between Christian democracy and the welfare state. Using a variety of sources the author describes the origin and development of the Christian Democratic movement and presents comparative accounts of the varying degrees of political entrenchment of national Christian Democratic parties. Drawing upon cross-national indicators of welfare state development he identifies and explains the existence of a distinctively Christian Democratic (as opposed to a liberal or social democratic) welfare-state regime which he labels "social capitalism".
Factional Politics and Democratization addresses the nature of factionalism in parties that are created or rebuilt after a period of dictatorship. It maintains that, while party leaders often view factions in negative terms as divisive, factional behaviour can be constructive and can contribute to the building of political parties as viable electoral organizations. Factionalism as a process involves fusion as well as fission. The volume brings together detailed case studies from post-authoritarian Spain, Greece and Portugal, from Turkey (where factionalism has hampered democratization) and from the post-communist states of Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Czech Republic. Several chapters provide comparative analysis which goes beyond a particular party or national experience. Together with introductory and concluding chapters, this combination of case studies and comparative analysis provides pointers to what is generalizable and what is specific to particular cases. Equally, the book offers a framework within which further studies of party factionalism in the context of democratization may be undertaken.
Democratic government is facing unprecedented challenges at a global scale. Yet, Turkey's descent into conflict, crisis and autocracy is exceptional. Only a few years ago, the country was praised as a successful Muslim-majority democracy and a promising example of sustainable growth. In Turkey's Exit from Democracy, the contributors argue that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party government have now effectively abandoned the realm of democratic politics by attempting regime change with the aim to install a hyper-presidentialist system. Examining how this power grab comes at the tail end of more than a decade of seemingly democratic politics, the contributors also explore the mechanisms of de-democratization through two distinctive, but interrelated angles: A set of comparative analyses explores illiberal forms of governance in Turkey, Russia, Southeast Europe and Latin America. In-depth studies analyse how Turkey's society has been reshaped in the image of a patriarchal habitus and how consent has been fabricated through religious, educational, ethnic and civil society policies. Despite this comprehensive authoritarian shift, the result is not authoritarian consolidation, but a deeply divided and contested polity. Analysing an early example of democratic decline and authoritarian politics, this volume is relevant well beyond the confines of regional studies. Turkey exemplifies the larger forces of de-democratization at play globally. Turkey's Exit from Democracy provides the reader with generalizable insights into these transformative processes. These chapters were originally published as a special issue in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Islamist organizations' conceptions of political order based on a comparative case study of the Shiite Lebanese Hezbollah and the Sunni Palestinian Hamas. Connecting Islamism research, Critical Constructivist norm research, and resistance studies from the field of International Relations Theory, it demonstrates that resistance constitutes both organizations' core norm and is relevant for their conceptions of political order. Based on primary Arabic data the book illustrates that the core norm of resistance, deeply intertwined with both organizations' interactions towards power preservation and the specific political context they are engaged in, characterizes Hezbollah's and Hamas' respective conceptions of political order and explains the differences between them. In contrast to common perceptions presented in research, politics, and the media, the book shows that in the case of both Hezbollah and Hamas the religious orientation, i.e. Shiite and Sunni Islamist political thought, plays a secondary role only when it comes to explaining Islamist organizations' political orientation. Bringing new insights from cases that lie beyond the Western liberal world order into Critical Constructivist norm research and resistance studies, the book establishes a theoretical framework that enables scholars to comprehensively analyze Islamist organizations' political orientation in different cases without being caught in limited analytical categories. It will be of interest to students and scholars of International Relations Theory, Middle East Studies, and Global Governance.
This lively book will be essential to all those attempting to understand the state of Cultural Studies in the West today. Ion Davies, who was in at the birth of Cultural Studies in Britain and followed its development in many parts of the world, is uniquely qualified to add historical depth and comparative breadth to this subject. Introducing the central theoretical issues, as well as the key personalities, Cultural Studies and Beyond traces the origins, growth and diffusion of the subject.
First published in 1984. Revisionism or reformism has long been recognised as one of the main intellectual ancestors of democratic socialism, the last survivor of the tradition of Enlightenment progressivism and the only viable alternative to conservatism on the one hand and Marxist-Leninism on the other. Both as a movement and as an ideology, revisionism, like Marxism, had its origins in Germany, but has not received anything like the same attention. This study is concerned with two relatively neglected aspects of German revisionism - its diversity and its international relations theorising - while focusing on those revisionists who were associated with Joseph Bloch's journal, the Sozialistische Monatshefte. Roger Fletcher demonstrates that the revisionist movement consisted of neo-Kantians, 'pragmatists' and reformists of several kinds as well as theoretical revisionists like Edward Bernstein, the alleged 'father of revisionism', and that the political importance of Bernstein, who was primarily a transplanted British Radical, has been widely misunderstood and exaggerated. He shows that the most influential figure in pre-1914 German revisionism was not Bernstein but Bloch, the leader of a small band of socialist imperialists who hoped to use nationalist ideology as a means of integrating the German working class into the Wilhelmine state and society. He argues that despite the limited success enjoyed by this grey eminence of Wilhelmine Social Democracy, Bloch and Bernstein both came to grief on the masses' rock-like indifference to all theory. This is the first serious study of revisionism as a movement and one of the only studies of right-wing German socialist foreign policy views in the Wilhelmine era. While revealing the central importance of the previously neglected Bloch, and his journal in Wilhelmine Social Democracy, it also sheds fresh light on the thought of Bernstein and his role in classical German Social Democracy. The result of extensive research in Germany and Austria, it is based on a solid grasp of the secondary literature as well as thorough mastery of all the relevant primary sources.
Political factionalism and ideological polarization have run high in Italian history. They must be taken into account in any attempt to explain the frailty of Italian public institutions - their instability, inefficiency, feeble legitimacy, inability to win citizens' respect, and subservience to sectional interests. Moreover, Italian politics since the Risorgimento can be interpreted as a 150 year-long attempt to prevent factionalism and polarization from spinning out of control and becoming disruptive for the country. This book deals with the historical question of political factionalism and ideological polarization in post-1945 Italy from the point of view of delegitimation. In our definition, delegitimation occurs when one political subject denies another in principle the right to exist, and in more concrete terms that of governing the country, by arguing that it is incompatible with one or more of the values on which the public sphere is founded. The essays in this book chart the story of political delegitimation in post-1945 Italy as it occurred in different political parties, exploited different discursive arguments, was instrumental to different political projects, and was met with counter-arguments aimed at defusing it, or even at trying to counter-delegitimize the delegitimizers. The chapters originally published as a special issue in the Journal of Modern Italian Studies.
This analysis of every facet of a national identity makes it less likely that the next great explosion in the Communist world - and its consequences - will come as a surprise. It investigates tendencies in China that might lead it down the same dangerous path as Russia and Yugoslavia. |
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