Alan Cassels argues that international relations in the 20th century have been characterized by a dichotomy between traditional, egotistical "Realpolitik" and ideological foreign policy. From Machiavelli to Hitler and beyond, Cassels rigorously explores and explains the political landscape of the modern world in terms of this fundamental division. Covering topics such as the two World Wars, communism, fascist Italy and the Cold War, this book gives a valuable new perspective to the principal political themes of recent times.

Market life is increasingly conducted in the shadow of global events like 9/11, the Sub-Prime crisis and Brexit. Within International political economy (IPE) two broad positions can be discerned: either the event is 'just an event', a superficial spectacle in an otherwise straightforward story of power and hierarchy; or the event is large enough to be considered a 'crisis'. While sympathetic to such arguments, this book develops a more performative politics of the global event, arguing that the very idea of the event must be placed in question. How is the event constructed? How are market subjects performed in relation to the event? This book argues that emotional and psychological discourses of 'trauma' and 'resilience' provide an important affective register for understanding how the global event is 'known', how it is governed, and how the affective dimensions of market life might be lived. By identifying the contingent rise of these discourses, the author de-stabilises and re-politicises the apparent existential veracity of the global event. The critical possibilities and limits of the affective turn in market life can then be rendered according to classic questions of IPE: who wins, who loses, and how might it be changed? An important work for advanced scholars and students of international political economy, 'everyday and cultural political economy', crisis and resilience, as well as broader debates on globalisation.

Corporatism is the third great ideolgy of modern social and political organization and it is one of the main organizing concepts used in comparative political analysis. This study traces corporatism in history, analyzes its modern practice and shows the rise of corporatism in the US.

The study explores an aspect of Finland in World War II that has received little attention. The research examines how Lutheran priests contributed rhetorically to the war effort against the Soviet Union in the Continuation War 1941-1944. The war was emplotted using six dramatic analogies: apocalypse, holy war & crusade, election & mission, jeremiad, the war within, obedience and mortification. Changes from an offensive phase in 1941 to an almost chaotic retreat in summer 1944 could be explained using rhetoric that was familiar to all Finns. The material consists of texts by bishops, chaplains and other priests. Priestly power is examined using the concept of metanoia, a radical transformation of mind. The textual analysis relies on Kenneth Burke's theory of symbolic action.

Despite the crucial role of religion in most societies, religious activism remains largely uninvestigated. Based on empirical evidence, this book also addresses many theoretical issues arising in the study of social movements.

Thirty-five years ago Joseph Gabel pub lished a modern masterpiece, which in 1975 appeared in English as False Con sciousness: An Essay on Reificalion . Combining his special knowledge of existential psychiatry, axiology, Marx ism, and political history, Gabel pro posed the utterly novel idea that victims of serious mental disturbances (espe cially paranoia and schizophrenia) re produce those distorted thought pat terns commonly associated with ideo logical beliefs at the collective level. Such beliefs initially had been laid bare in the 1920s by Gabel's intellectual progenitors, Karl Mannheim and George Lukacs. Gabel's remarkable innovation was to transfer the private crisis of mental collapse into the analytic frame work previously reserved for ideological critique, making him an expert on what was later called "the micro-macro prob lem." Ideologies and the Corruption of Thought includes Gabel's essays over the last 40 years, characteristically treating micro and macro theoretical matters simultaneously. Originally writ ten in French and German, they have been recast in idiomatic English and bibliographically updated. Using a unique mode and vocabulary of analy sis, Gabel offers theoretical investiga tions of McCarthyism and Stalinism (original and more recent types), as well as Althusser, Orwell, and Jonathan Swift in his capacity as a psychiatric theorist. He also explores anti-Zionism, anti-Semitism, and a fascinating case study of a paranoid who regarded him self as the pope. In addition this volume includes a range of general commentar ies on ideological "thought," utopianism, and false consciousness.This rich feast of social and political analysis and theory illuminates a range of contemporary concerns - racism, Utopian fantasy, ethnocentrism, anti-Semitism, the interplay of social struc ture and mental illness, and ideological transformations of social life - which only Gabel's unique mixture of the clini cal and the political could achieve. It will be studied with interest by all theo rists and politically alert readers in the social sciences, philosophy, and related fields of study.

This book chronicles the struggle among non-Communist leftists and liberals over American relations with the Soviet Union from 1939 through the 1950s. Few now care as passionately and as violently as people did then about Soviet-American relations. It was a time when friends became enemies, and others forged strange alliances, all in the name of commitments that today seem remote. A Better World evokes those times and their choices, and explains why these long-ago battles still arouse such deep feelings today - and should.Americans who were pro-Soviet without being members of the Communist party - 'progressives' as they called themselves - had a large emotional investment in the Soviet Union. From 1935 to 1939 literally millions joined the 'Popular Front' of pro-Soviet organizations. O'Neill takes us through the shock of the Stalin-Hitler pact of 1939, through the revival of the Popular Front spurred by government and business support after Russia entered the war against Hitler. He traces the isolation of the anti-Stalinists, the rise and fall of Henry Wallace, and the eclipse of progressivism. And he explores the shifting allegiances of intellectuals as they struggled, often with each other, to influence the course of public debate, with long-lasting consequences for American intellect, culture, and morals.As O'Neill observes in his introduction, 'More than any of my other books A Better World inspired correspondents to send me probing or reflective letters.' It was this response, along with the extraordinary critical debate spurred by initial publication of this volume, that makes the book's continuing importance clear. The dream of achieving a better world through radical violence never dies, and the willingness of apologists to cling to utopian visions persists. As long as it does, the lessons of this book need to be available to us.

Arab nationalism and Islamism have been the two most potent ideological forces in the Arab region across the twentieth century. Over the last two decades, however, an accommodation of sorts has been developing between liberals, socialists and Islamists, to protest unpopular foreign and domestic policies, such as those aimed at cooperation with Israel or the war in Iraq. By examining the writings of Arab nationalist, socialist and Islamist intellectuals, and through numerous interviews with political participants from different persuasions, Michaelle Browers traces these developments from the 'Arab age of ideology', as it has been called, through an 'age of ideological transformation', demonstrating clearly how the recent flow of ideas from one group to another have their roots in the past. Political Ideology in the Arab World assesses the impact of ideological changes on Egypt's Kifaya! [Enough!] movement and Yemen's joint meeting parties.

Eisenstein tracks developments such as racialized ethnic and gender conflict; the new male democracies of eastern Europe; the new Democrats of the Clinton era - exploring the `politics of hate.'

This volume of especially commissioned essays explores the geography of, and the role of geography in, national and proto-national identity.
Place and national identity are bound together. Attachment to the one is almost always inseparable from the sense of the other. Yet, as this volume shows, the articulated self-conscious linking of place and identity is by and large a modern phenomenon that took root in nineteenth-century Europe. The formation of supranational states and the much vaunted globalization of culture led many to believe there would be a progressive dilution of national identities and a growing agglomeration of places and nations into larger state units. Precisely the reverse has taken place.
This book explores the connections between identity and homeland, showing how a place may be perceived as archetypal, endowed with love and celebrated in music and poetry, yet be a pretext for violence and war. It examines the evolution of ideas about identity and their manifestations in a wide variety of settings, from the former Soviet Union to the island states of the South Pacific.

'Islamophobia' is a term that has existed since the nineteenth century. But in recent decades, argues Pascal Bruckner in his controversial new book, it has become a weapon used to silence criticism of Islam. The term allows those who brandish it in the name of Islam to 'freeze' the latter, making reform difficult. Whereas Christianity and Judaism have been rejuvenated over the centuries by external criticism, Islam has been shielded from critical examination and has remained impervious to change. This tendency is exacerbated by the hypocrisy of those Western defenders of Islam who, in the name of the principles of the Enlightenment, seek to muzzle its critics while at the same time demanding the right to chastise and criticize other religions. These developments, argues Bruckner, are counter-productive for Western democracies as they struggle with the twin challenges of immigration and terrorism. The return of religion in those democracies must not be equated with the defence of fanaticism, and the right to religious freedom must go hand in hand with freedom of expression, an openness to criticism, and a rejection of all forms of extremism. There are already more than enough forms of racism; there is no need to imagine more. While all violence directed against Muslims is to be strongly condemned and punished, defining these acts as 'Islamophobic' rather than criminal does more to damage Islam and weaken the position of Muslims than to strengthen them.

Ideology studies have undergone significant growth over the past couple of decades. The scope of the discipline has been extensively broadened to include not only text and discourse but emotions, imagination, fantasy, rhetoric and visual forms. Its attention to detail and to the micro-manifestations of ideology in the everyday have borne considerable fruit, particularly at a time of ideological fragmentation and reassembly. Its research methods have been refined, embracing both conceptual innovation and empirical evidence drawn from many fields of social creativity. During that period, the Journal of Political Ideologies has been a major vehicle of the discipline's advance and coming of age. The chapters in this book originally published as two special issues in the Journal. The book assembles and investigates some of the latest approaches and domains in which cutting-edge ideology-research is now under way. The multiple topics, sources and interdisciplinary perspectives it contains illustrate the variety and depth that ideology studies have attained. Its subjects range from historical and literary analyses, through feminist studies, and psycho-social interpretations. It takes in the new means of dissemination that the digital age has introduced, and offers fresh assessments of the many cross-fertilizations possible between ideology research, political theory, and international studies, as traditional ideologies vie with new ideological articulations and forms.

A probing study of the interactions between ideological trends and economic reform. The book explores an important but frequently neglected issue: the transformation from the orthodox anti-market doctrine into a more elastic and pro-business one, and from Mao's radical, totalitarian approach to Deng's gradualist, developmental, authoritarian approach.

More than any other topic in social science, the study of social movements provides an opportunity to combine social theory with political action. Such study is a key to understanding the motivations, successes, and failures of thousands who aspire to high ideals of justice, but who sometimes aid in perpetuating inhumane political acts and systems. Building upon the past twenty years' developments in theory and research, "Social Movements "combines original theoretical and methodological approaches with penetrating analyses of contemporary movements from the sixties to the present.

Anthony Oberschall argues that social movements are central to contemporary politics in both Western and Third World nations. They are not quaint stepchildren to public policy and social change that disappear as nations modernize. Collective action by the citizenry, spilling beyond the boundaries of routine politics is an integral part of the process of creative destruction that Joseph Schumpeter ascribed to modern capitalism and all dynamic, modern societies.

Among the subjects that OberschaU examines in "Social Movements "are the Civil Rights movement, decline of the New Left, the feminist movement, the New Christian Right, the tobacco control movement, collective violence in U.S. industrial relations, and some comparative historical movements, including the Cultural Revolution in China, the abortive 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, political strife in postcolonial Africa, and the sixteenth-century European witch craze.

In looking beyond the immediate political circumstances of these social movements, Oberschall points the way to achieving the next major task of social movement theory: a more satisfactory understanding of the dynamics and course of social movements and counter movements and a method of accounting for the outcomes of public controversies. Free of jargon and technical terminology, "Social Movements "is written for sociologists, political scientists, historians, professionals dealing with conflict and resolution, students and the lay public interested in public affairs.

Contents:
Introduction: The New Italian Republic I Context 1. Explaining Italy's Crisis 2. Electoral Reform and Political Change in Italy 1991-94 II The Old Party System 1. Political Catholicism and the Strange Death of the Christian Democrats 2. Italian Communism in the First Republic 3. The Rise and fall of Craxi's Socialist Party 4. The Fate of the Secular Centre: The Liberals, Republicans and the Social Democrats III The "New Parties" 7. The Northern League from Regional Party to Party of Government 8. Forza Italia: The New Politics and Old Values of a Changing Italy 9. towards a Modern Right: Alleanza Nazionale and the "Italian Revolution" 10. The Great Failure? The PDs in Italy's Transition 11. The "Left Oppossition" and the crisis: Rifondazione Comunista and La Rete IV Politics and Society 12. A Legal Revolution? The Judges and the Tagentopoli 13. The Mass media and the Political Crisis 14. The System of Corrupt Exchange in Local Government 15. The Resistable Rise of the New Neopolitan Camorra 16. The Changing Mezzogiorno: Between Representations and Reality V Economic Aspects of the Crisis 17. The Economic Elites and the Political System 18. Excesses anf Limits of the Public Sector in the Italian Economy 19. Industrial Relations and the Labour Movement VI Conclusion 20 Italian Political Reform in Comparative Perspective

Recent Italian political life has been transformed by the demise of the Italian Communist Party, the growth of the federalist Northern Leagues and the collapse of the Christian Democrats, the Socialists and their government allies in the wake of the Tangentopoli (Kickback City) scandals. This study charts the breakdown of the old party system and examines the changed political climate that allowed Silvio Berlusconi and his allies to emerge as the political masters of Italy. The sections of the book are organized in such a way as to combine up to date information with reflection on longer term trends and problems. This book should be of interest to both students and scholars of west European politics, comparative politics and Italian studies as well as the general reader who wishes to make sense of the contemporary Italian political landscape.

"Doctrines of Development" examines the history of the idea of development and of the doctrines which governments have used to practice development policy. Beginning with the 19th century "invention" of modern development, the authors discuss Marx's early critique of development doctrine and the creation of the idea of underdevelopment.
Extended 20th century case histories from Australia, Canada and Kenya explain why and how development doctrine accompanied the early growth of capitalism. Shorter case studies of India, Latin America and Austria are used to examine how development theory has been part of the history of development doctrine. The authors pursue the analysis to critique the contemporary and increasingly pervasive theories of "alternative" development.
"Doctrines of Development" argues that trusteeship, the intent of one to act on the behalf of another, is the prime force behind all development doctrine and claims that despite a "new orthodoxy," little has changed since the original doctrine of development of early industrial capitalism.

Doctrines of Development sets out a critique of the idea and practice of development by exploring the history of development theory and action from the early nineteenth to the late twentieth century, from Britain to Quebec and Kenya.

Ernst Bloch is perhaps best known for his subtle and imaginative investigation of utopias and utopianism, but his work also provides a comprehensive and insightful analysis of western culture, politics and society. Yet, because he has not been one of easiest of writers to read his full contribution has not been widely acknowledged. Block developed a complex conceptual framework, and presented this in a prose style which many have found to verge on the impenetrable.
In this critical and accessible introduction to one of the most fascinating thinkers of the twentieth century, Vincent Geoghegan unravels much of the mystery of the man and his ideas.

This title was first published in 2000: Politics cannot be conceived of as just a subsystem of society, or as a network of particular interests. The concept of interests and their role within the normative political debate is given a new interpretation by this book, which examines how political interest, market mechanisms and rational choice theories exist in the light of democratic freedom and social justice. The book builds on different concepts of procedural justice, from Schumpeter, Buchanan and Habermas's conceptions of democracy and the role of political compromise and coalition in the idea of consensus as a condition for political legitimation.

Why do some individuals from the imagined "non-West" view the "West" favorably and others do not? Grounded in psychological authoritarianism and the psychological reactions to experiences of rejection, Bjoern Goldstein provides a theoretical model to explain and predict attitude toward the "West." Using accounts from high-ranking politicians from different socioeconomic groups in the Tamil Nadu region of India-a region independent from the often too "emotionalized" discourse regarding (political) Islam-Goldstein challenges the conventional narrative that the most important factors for attitude formation toward the West are experiences of disregard and oppression perpetrated by the West. Far beyond the personal characteristics of individuals, differences in attitudes follow a regular pattern of variables influencing opinion and attitude formation toward the West in each society. Scoring high on authoritarianism predicts "anti-Western" attitudes far better than socio-economic status, cultural or moral concerns, or normative differences do.

In the 21st century, China has become impossible to ignore. At the same time, a vast array of perceptions and judgments of China's actions and future have arisen. The confusion, Leah Zhu postulates, is explained by decades of traditional modus operandi, which began in the Maoist Era and misconceives China as a 'collectivist' culture. This book, however, seeks to re-explore thousands of years of China's history to demonstrate the country's adherence to an alternative principle, 'relationalism'. Tracing the pervasive power of 'relationalism' before and after Maoism, it examines the major aspects of Chinese culture, including politics, sociology, psychology and diplomacy. In doing so, it reveals the power of 'relationalism' as the core frame of reference behind contemporary Chinese beliefs and practices. Furthermore, armed with this newly established framework, this book ultimately provides a helpful analysis of China's past political, economic, and judiciary reforms and of how they are faring under the control of the current regime. Featuring extensive evidence and analysis of Chinese culture from ancient rites through to the 21st century, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Chinese culture, politics and society. It will also appeal to social scientists and sociologists more broadly.

Christian democracy has been one of the most successful political movements in post-war Western Europe yet its crucial impact on the development of the modern European welfare state has been neglected. In this study, Kees van Kersbergen demonstrates the precise nature of the links between Christian democracy and the welfare state. Using a variety of sources the author describes the origin and development of the Christian Democratic movement and presents comparative accounts of the varying degrees of political entrenchment of national Christian Democratic parties. Drawing upon cross-national indicators of welfare state development he identifies and explains the existence of a distinctively Christian Democratic (as opposed to a liberal or social democratic) welfare-state regime which he labels "social capitalism".

This book presents the economic populism in British and American political discourse providing a current insight into the way Boris Johnson and Donald Trump communicate with the general public by raising fears over national security, immigration and technological advances. It shows how politicians asked for populism despite its poor economic record by using the same narrative of Conservatism. Unlike other books in the field which broadly discuss different aspects of populism, this book is the first in-depth analysis of economic populism containing political discourse studies. The recent populist discussion has started dominating the political arena in many countries. Hence, it seems that there is a need for a book that will explain the economic populism by showing its true nature.

While many analysts emphasize Trump's uniqueness, he can also be viewed as a symptom of a deeper systemic crisis. This collection examines the roots, impacts, and future prospects of Trumpism as well as the possibilities for combatting it. Chapters analyze the role of racism and xenophobia, evangelical religion, and elite support in enabling Trump's political ascent, demonstrating how both his demagogic style and his policies draw from the historic repertoire of the Right. The authors also trace the impacts of his presidency on inequality, health, ecological destruction, and U.S. empire. As far-right forces cement their hold on the Republican Party, and as the Democratic Party appears unable to stop them, what lies ahead? The authors argue that confronting Trumpism requires a frontal attack on the conditions that incubated the monster.