"The Anthropology of Power" presents case studies from a wide range of societies to examine the issues surrounding power and empowerment and to question whether power is actually being transferred to the powerless. This collection draws on ethnographic material from Europe, the Middle East, Australasia, Africa and the Americas exploring how traditionally disempowered groups gain influence in postcolonial and multicultural settings, from civil war to new communication technologies, from religious imperialism to transnational mining investments. It surveys the relationships between empowerment and economic development, gender and environmentalism. The contributors confront post-Foucauldian theoretical issues on the nature, distribution and balance of power, and ask whether the rhetoric of "empowerment" actually masks a lack of change in established power relations. This is a wide-ranging international collection featuring contributors from the UK, Portugal, Iceland, the Czech Republic, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Canada, New Zealand and Papua New Guinea.

Winner of the 2021 Suraj Mal and Shyama Devi Agarwal Book Prize This book provides a socio-economic examination of the status of women in contemporary Turkey, assessing how policies have combined elements of neoliberalism and Islamic conservatism. Using rich qualitative and quantitative analyses, Women in Turkey analyses the policies concerning women in the areas of employment, education and health and the fundamental transformation of the construction of gender since the early 2000s. Comparing this with the situation pre-2000, the authors argue that the reconstruction of gender is part of the reshaping of the state-society relations, the state-business relationship, and the cultural changes that have taken place across the country over the last two decades. Thus, the book situates the Turkish case within the broader context of international development of neoliberalism while paying close attention to its idiosyncrasies. Adopting a political economy perspective emphasizing the material sources of gender relations, this book will be useful to students and scholars of Middle Eastern politics, political Islam and Gender Studies.

Turkey's modern history has been full of instability and continuing contradictions. The nature of national identity and its relationship to the state continues to be an issue and Turks are still faced with the conflict between the twin goals of "joining the West" and preserving their own cultural forms. The emergence of Islamicism as a political ideology has helped to shape politics in Turkey, as it has had to compete in the political market place with other, secularist, parties and to play the game according to the rules of secular democracy, rather than a millenarian revolutionary vision. However, there are growing doubts as to whether secular constitutional democracy is safely anchored within the system of government in the country.

An important comparative study of Japanese politics that reveals that green issues have yet to displace the traditional urban politics of post-industrial Japan. This is unlike the rise of green parties and politics in Europe. Unlike Europe, it seems that political values in Japan are still informed by the conservative values of hierarchy and deference.

Following up on his 1995 study of the initial transition period in formerly communist economies, Adam Zwass carries the analysis into the second phase of reform. He devotes focused attention to the pivotal role of privatization strategies, contrasting the outcomes of the voucher plans with outright sale of state assets (including to foreign investors). Taking advantage of his incomparable experience as a financial expert first in the CMEA and later with the Austrian National Bank, Zwass considers the record of newly emerging banking and financial systems and the challenges of entry into the regional and global financial and trading systems.

This volume, Sources of Contemporary Radicalism, begins with Seweryn Bialer's examination of the definitional aspects of radicalism, as well as with the identification of specific contemporary sources of the radical impulse and the social groups that are the carriers of radicalism within society. In the next two chapters, Seymour Lipset and Stanley Rothman consider the case of the United States. Lipset asks anew the question posed by Werner Sombart at the beginning of this century: "Why is there no socialism in the United States?"From the perspective of a century of literature addressed to this question, he provides his own critique and explanation.Rothman considers the relatively new phenomenon of student radicalism in the United States, and, on the basis ofinterviews with student activists and results of tests they agreed to take, he offers hypotheses concerning their psychological motivation. Sidney Tarrow's chapter presents a comparisonand contrast of the societal sources contributing to the growth of radical movements in post-World War IIFrance and Italy. Henry Landsberger, in his chapter, concentrateson one societal group, the peasantry. Landsberger addresses the methodological issue that arises in defining peasant discontent as radicalism, and examines what it is that provides a "new" dimension to peasant discontent in modern times. In the final chapter, William Overholt presents a valuable interpretative survey of the literature on radicalism.

This book poses the question: How can we organize society in such a way that our disagreement about facts and norms works to the benefit of everyone? In response, it makes the argument for polycentric democracy, a political arrangement consisting of various political units that enjoy different degrees of independence. It is argued that to progress towards justice, we first need to change our attitude towards reasonable disagreement. Theorists have always viewed reasonable disagreement as nuisance, if not as a threat. However, this work puts forward that the diversity of perspectives which underlie reasonable disagreement should be viewed as a resource to be harvested rather than a threat to be tamed. Resting on two key arguments, the author proposes the idea of polycentric democracy as the most capable method of making pluralism productive. The book explores what such a political order might look like and concludes that only an institutional system which is capable of profiting from diversity, such as polycentric democracy, might reasonably be expected to generate an overlapping consensus. Continuing in the tradition of Karl Popper and Friedrich August von Hayek, this book lies at the intersection of philosophy, political economy and political theory. It will be of great interest to academics and scholars working in philosophy, politics and economics.

In recent years, political, religious, and other special-interest groups have waged war on behavioral and social research projects that threaten their interests and values. They have hounded researchers out of universities, cut off their funding through congressional and state legislative pressure, and harassed them with public demonstrations and picketing, all in the hope of forcing them to abandon their research. Formerly such unwanted involvement came from activists on the left. Now it comes from all across the political spectrum, as anti-science attitudes and techniques have diffused throughout society. In addition, conservative and religious forces lobby Congress and state legislatures against funding for major research projects of which they disapprove. This phenomenon represents a grave threat to both scientific freedom and the well-being of modern society. Morton Hunt gives us the first serious overview of this threat to behavioral and social science research. He illustrates precisely how scientific research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings "illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition of research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings" illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition to research, using interviews with expert observers in the sciences and government. Hunt reviews the nature-nurture debate, biological contributions to gender differences, conservative opposition to sex research in the schools, the debate over the controlled drinking approach to alcoholism, animal rights versus scientists' rights to use animals in research, the controversy over day care, anthropological research needs versus the Native American repatriation of remains, and other cases. He argues that beyond the specific projects targeted, the most important thing threatened is the social valation of scientific freedom. The belief that it is permissible and laudable to obstruct research is neo-Luddite, obscurantist, and anti-intellectual. This comprehensive, nonpartisan study is possibly the only book-length treatment of this important subject. It treats attacks on science from both the left and the right and is timely, lively, and accessible in style. It will be of interest to behavioral scientists and scientists in general, readers interested in the sciences and in social issues, and government policymakers.

In recent years, political, religious, and other special-interest groups have waged war on behavioral and social research projects that threaten their interests and values. They have hounded researchers out of universities, cut off their funding through congressional and state legislative pressure, and harassed them with public demonstrations and picketing, all in the hope of forcing them to abandon their research. Formerly such unwanted involvement came from activists on the left. Now it comes from all across the political spectrum, as anti-science attitudes and techniques have diffused throughout society. In addition, conservative and religious forces lobby Congress and state legislatures against funding for major research projects of which they disapprove. This phenomenon represents a grave threat to both scientific freedom and the well-being of modern society. Morton Hunt gives us the first serious overview of this threat to behavioral and social science research. He illustrates precisely how scientific research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings "illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition of research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings" illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition to research, using interviews with expert observers in the sciences and government. Hunt reviews the nature-nurture debate, biological contributions to gender differences, conservative opposition to sex research in the schools, the debate over the controlled drinking approach to alcoholism, animal rights versus scientists' rights to use animals in research, the controversy over day care, anthropological research needs versus the Native American repatriation of remains, and other cases. He argues that beyond the specific projects targeted, the most important thing threatened is the social valation of scientific freedom. The belief that it is permissible and laudable to obstruct research is neo-Luddite, obscurantist, and anti-intellectual. This comprehensive, nonpartisan study is possibly the only book-length treatment of this important subject. It treats attacks on science from both the left and the right and is timely, lively, and accessible in style. It will be of interest to behavioral scientists and scientists in general, readers interested in the sciences and in social issues, and government policymakers.

One of the issues at the end of the 20th century in Europe is the process of Europeanization, including the widening of Europe to the East. This book draws upon a variety of sources to show how different ideas of youth were constructed in East and West Europe in the course of modernization under both Communism and welfare capitalism. Modern concepts of youth, the book argues, have been de-constructed and re-constructed by changes in state policies, the labour market, education and popular culture so that it is no longer so clear who youth are or how they can be helped. The book is aimed at departments of sociology (courses in education, youth and the family), social policy and politics.

This book rejects apocalyptic pronouncements that the end of the millennium represents the 'end' of nature as well. "Remaking Reality" brings together contributors from across the human sciences who argue that a notion of "social nature" provides great hope for the future. Applying a variety of theoretical approaches to social nature, and engaging with debates in politics, science, technology and social movements surrounding race, gender and class, the contributors explore important and emerging sites where nature is now being remade with considerable social and ecological consequences.

Remaking Reality rejects apocalyptic pronouncements that the end of the millennium represents the 'end' of nature as well. Bringing together leading international contributors this book argues that a notion of 'social nature' provides great hope for the future. Engaging with debates in politics, science, technology and social movements surrounding race, gender and class, the contributors explore important and emerging sites where nature is now being remade with considerable social and ecological consequences.
For critics and activists alike Remaking Reality provides essential theoretical and political tools to rethink environmentalism and progressive social natures for the twenty-first century.

The text argues that individualism is far from dead. Tibor Machan identifies, develops and defends what he calls classical individualism - an individualism humanized by classical philosophy, rooted in Aristotle rather than Hobbes. It does not reject the social nature of human beings, but finds that every one has a self-directed agent who is responsible for what he or she does. Machan rejects all types of collectivism, including communitarianism, ethnic solidarity, racial unity and gender identity. The ideas expressed have important social and political implications, and should be of interest to anyone concerned with the notion of individuality and individual responsibility, or with an interest in the following: social and political affairs, social ethics, political philosophy, economics, rights theory, the nature of the human being, libertarianism, capitalism, or environmentalism.

Written for undergradaute courses on postwar American foreign policy, Southeast Asian history, the Cold War, the Vietnam war, international relations, decolonization, and third world communism, this introduction uses the wealth of recent research to place the Vietnam war within the contexts of European colonization, American Cold War strategy and Vietnam's own political history

There have been a number of political issues that involve religious fundamentalism, inter-ethnic conflict and the process of democratization. In this study the authors develop a feminist perspective on these issues and reveal the way that political ideologies use women as symbols of cultural perspective. Topics for discussion include: Yugoslavia; the emergence of a "male democracy" in Chile; women's rights in Israel; the far right and women in France; and the experience of immigrants in Britain. This study of women's involvement with restrictive political ideologies aims to demonstrate the importance of a feminist politics that enables women to understand and work with each other across the boundaries that divide them.

"Gender, Ethnicity and Political Ideologies" presents a broad range of international case studies such as inter-ethnic conflict in Yugoslavia, the emergence of a "male democracy" in Chile, the lack of equal rights for women in Israel, the role of women in the French far right's ideology and the sense of empowerment that Islam gives to many young Muslim women in Britain. Also included is an analysis of nationalist ideologies that can divide women from each other and define their role in reproductive terms.
This is a challenging study that asserts the importance of a feminist politics which enables women to understand and work with each other across the boundaries that so effectively divide them. It will be essential reading for those in search of a rigorous analysis of the role and significance of women in a rapidly changing political landscape.

It is rare for a scholar to revisit the scene of earlier research with a view to evaluating how that research has stood up over time. Here David E Apter does that and more. In a lengthy new introductory chapter to this classic study of bureaucratic nationalism, he reviews the efficacy of the concepts in his original study of Uganda of almost a century ago, including some, such as consociationalism', which have entered into the mainstream of comparative politics.

With the recent conservative retrenchment, educational institutions have witnessed a backlash against the gains made by feminist and anti-racist activists. This volume examines higher education as one site of this backlash, at the same time challenging the binary framing of discourse as "reactionary" versus "progressive," or Right versus Left. This text draws together contributors working within and across a variety of disciplines including law, history, sociology, education, literature, women's studies, queer theory, cultural politics and postcolonialism. The volume presents contesting voices and positions on whether or not the concepts of backlash and anti-oppression can adequately explain the historical and political development of social movements and radical educational practice. Contributors include: Himani Bannerji, Richard Cavell, Patricia Elliot, Didi Herman, Alice Pitt, Howard Soloman and Aruna Srivastava.

Poland's transition from socialism to capitalism has largely been praised as a success story. In reality, however, according to this study, Poland's case is an incomplete transition. The authors argue that these symptoms arise from a political economy failure to build the required insititutions, once the initial enthusiasm waned, and the positive effects of those initial measures - which began the process in the early 1990's - petered out. These essays suggest respective economic remedies, and demonstrate why some of them are politically difficult in the present, still volatile, political climate. Moreover, they tentatively look at the sources of resistance to further systematic change which go beyond traditional reform fatique. Looking at the processes involved in economic transition, covering key issues including financial markets, labour market, competition and intervention, social security, property rights and attitudes towards the changing political economy, this book provides a wide-ranging study of economic development. It should be of great use to economists, those involved in Russian and East European studies, and political scientists.

With the recent conservative retrenchment, educational institutions have witnessed a backlash against the gains made by feminist and anti-racist activists. This volume examines higher education as one site of this backlash, at the same time challenging the binary framing of discourse as "reactionary" versus "progressive," or Right versus Left. This text draws together contributors working within and across a variety of disciplines including law, history, sociology, education, literature, women's studies, queer theory, cultural politics and postcolonialism. The volume presents contesting voices and positions on whether or not the concepts of backlash and anti-oppression can adequately explain the historical and political development of social movements and radical educational practice. Contributors include: Himani Bannerji, Richard Cavell, Patricia Elliot, Didi Herman, Alice Pitt, Howard Soloman and Aruna Srivastava.

Violent Islamic extremism is affecting a growing number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In some, jihadi Salafi organizations have established home bases and turned into permanent security challengers. However, other countries have managed to prevent the formation or curb the spread of homegrown jihadi Salafi organizations. In this book, Sebastian Elischer provides a comparative analysis of how different West and East African states have engaged with fundamentalist Muslim groups between the 1950s and today. In doing so, he establishes a causal link between state-imposed organizational gatekeepers in the Islamic sphere and the absence of homegrown jihadi Salafism. Illustrating that the contemporary manifestation of violent Islamic extremism in sub-Saharan Africa is an outcome of strategic political decisions that are deeply embedded in countries' autocratic pasts, he challenges conventional notions of statehood on the African continent, and provides new insight into the evolving relationships between secular and religious authority.

Has there been or can there ever be a structural change that would reveal an internal dynamic to African societies? In this investigation, the elements determining the forms and laws of social change are of less interest than the possibility of change itself. Is change universal or just a property of a certain type of social totality? Reason in History examines these questions through a critical analysis of Hegelian theses on Africa. Going beyond the negative theses, Hegel's theories can ultimately be read to do Africa justice. A closer scrutiny reveals that his ideas do acknowledge the true reality of traditional African societies and recognize that Africa is not and never has been static. The book fosters a greater appreciation of the grandeur and complexity of Hegel's dialectic as well. He is still judging our world, despite what postmodernist scholars and ethnophilosophers might think.

This book presents the first comprehensive survey of the multiple versions of Islam propagated across geographical, political, and cultural boundaries during the era of modern globalization. Showing how Islam was transformed through these globalizing transfers, it traces the origins, expansion and increasing diversification of Global Islam - from individual activists to organizations and then states - over the past 150 years. Historian Nile Green surveys not only the familiar venues of Islam in the Middle East and the West, but also Asia and Africa, explaining the doctrines of a wide variety of political and non-political versions of Islam across the spectrum from Salafism to Sufism. This Very Short Introduction will help readers to recognize and compare the various organizations competing to claim the authenticity and authority of representing the one true Islam.

The rise of new religious movements has raised important questions about our understanding of race, ethnicity and the lives of Black minority communities in the West. This revealing study examines the ideas and organization of new Islamic, Hindu and other movements, such as those revived in fight-wing black nationalism. It considers the creation of new "traditions" and new ethnicities in these movements and explores how ideas of purity, pollution, the body, sexuality, and gender are key themes in their "liberation". This book considers the relationship between right-wing and progressive social movements, and examines the influence on these movements of new globally organized communications technologies.