Earth First! is one of the most controversial and well known green movements in the world and the driving force behind the anti-road campaigns of the 1990s, made famous by sabotage tactics.
Detailed accounts of major anti-road campaigns both in the UK and internationally are included, describing confrontations at Twyford, Newbury, Glasgow, the Autobahn in Germany, and information on the international spread of the Earth First! movement, with details of campaigns in Australia, Ireland, Germany, France, Holland and Eastern Europe. Earth First! and the Anti-Roads Movement traces the origins of the movement and the history of anti-roads activism in Britain since the 1880s. Radical EF! organisers describe how they took on their green activist identity, why they launched both EF! and the anti-roads movement, and their experiences of dramatic protest. Exposing the tensions between EF! and other green activists, they explain the political and economic influences on and the culture and politics of protest.
Showing how green social and political theory can be linked to practical struggles for environmental and social change, Derek Wall investigates key topics of political and sociological interest in Britain and the World today. This is an authoritative account based on passionate and lyrical autobiographical accutns form activists blended with a strong theoretical grounding.

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Earth First! is one of the most controversial and well known green movements in the world and the driving force behind the anti-road campaigns of the 1990s, made famous by sabotage tactics. Detailed accounts of major anti-road campaigns both in the UK and internationally are included, describing confrontations at Twyford, Newbury, Glasgow, the Autobahn in Germany, and information on the international spread of the Earth First! movement, with details of campaigns in Australia, Ireland, Germany, France, Holland and Eastern Europe. "Earth First! and the Anti-Roads Movement" traces the origins of the movement and the history of anti-roads activism in Britain since the 1880s. Radical EF! organizers describe how they took on their green activist identity, why they launched both EF! and the anti-roads movement, and their experiences of dramatic protest. Exposing the tensions between EF! and other green activists, they explain the political and economic influences on and the culture and politics of protest. Showing how green social and political theory can be linked to practical struggles for environmental and social change, Derek Wall investigates key topics of political and sociological

This volume is the first systematic, comprehensive and cogent environmental political philosophy. It exposes the relationships between the ever-worsening environmental crises, the nature of prevailing economic structures and the role of the modern state and concludes that the combination of these factors is driving humanity towards destruction.
Innovative, provocative and cutting-edge, A Radical Green Political Theory will be of enormous value to all those with an interest in the environment, political theory and moral and political philosophy.

First published in 1999, this volume responds to the 1968 sewing worker strikes at the Ford Motor Company, asking how the worker demands made by women are to be heard and understood in workplace negotiations. At the time of original writing in the late 1990s, there remained many women workers whose needs and concerns remained hidden behind a workplace agenda dominated by male interests. Kay M. Fraser utilises some of the insights offered by post-structuralist feminist theorists to interrogate the competing debates about women workers as they were discursively constructed by the organisations, institutions and individuals interested and involved in the employment of women during the 1960s. Fraser further explores notions of sameness and difference, how these were used to formulate a view of women workers and highlights the need for women to be seen, particularly by those involved in the workplace negotiations of the future, as both the same as and different from men workers.

First published in 1998, illuminating the principles and practices which impelled British Labour's international attitudes, this book focuses on relationships between social democratic and communist organisations in the troubled scene of Europe between the wars. Peace and disarmament were the first priorities, giving way to the fight against fascism after 1933; the Spanish Civil War was the watershed when disarmament ceased to be a tenable option. Against this background, contacts made with the Labour and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trades Unions are considered and the distinctive approaches of women and young people are discussed. The history of these formal organisations is balanced by an account of the wide-ranging contacts of the broad Labour Movement in fields such as sport, education, Esperanto, music and art. Its protagonists' belief in international socialism is seen to be a faith which survived fascism and war, and continued to give hope for the future. This book will be of interest to students of Labour history and politics, as well as international and European studies.

This volume gathers authors who wrote important works in the fields of the history of ideology, the comparative study of dictatorship, and intellectual history. The book is a state of the art reassessment and analysis of the ideological commitments of intellectuals and their relationships with dictatorships during the twentieth century. The contributions focus on turning points or moments of rupture as well as on the continuities. Though its focus is on an East-West comparison in Europe, there are texts also dealing with Latin America, China, and the Middle East, giving the book a global outlook. The first part of the book deals with intellectuals' involvement with communist regimes or parties; the second looks at the persistence of utopianism in the trajectory of intellectuals who had been associated earlier in their lives with either communism or fascism; the third considers the role of intellectuals in national imaginations from the left or the right; and the fourth links late twentieth century phenomena to current phenomena, such as the persistence of anti-Semitism in the West, the slow erosion of the values upon which the EU is built, the quagmire in Iraq, and China's rise in the post-Cold War era. The collection provides a comprehensive overview of intellectual genealogies and dictatorial developments.

In the 21st century, China has become impossible to ignore. At the same time, a vast array of perceptions and judgments of China's actions and future have arisen. The confusion, Leah Zhu postulates, is explained by decades of traditional modus operandi, which began in the Maoist Era and misconceives China as a 'collectivist' culture. This book, however, seeks to re-explore thousands of years of China's history to demonstrate the country's adherence to an alternative principle, 'relationalism'. Tracing the pervasive power of 'relationalism' before and after Maoism, it examines the major aspects of Chinese culture, including politics, sociology, psychology and diplomacy. In doing so, it reveals the power of 'relationalism' as the core frame of reference behind contemporary Chinese beliefs and practices. Furthermore, armed with this newly established framework, this book ultimately provides a helpful analysis of China's past political, economic, and judiciary reforms and of how they are faring under the control of the current regime. Featuring extensive evidence and analysis of Chinese culture from ancient rites through to the 21st century, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Chinese culture, politics and society. It will also appeal to social scientists and sociologists more broadly.

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Turkey's modern history has been full of instability and continuing contradictions. The nature of national identity and its relationship to the state continues to be an issue and Turks are still faced with the conflict between the twin goals of joining the West and preserving their own cultural forms. The emergence of Islamicism as a political ideology has helped to shape politics in Turkey, as it has had to compete in the political market place with other, secularist, parties and to play the game according to the rules of secular democracy, rather than a millenarian revolutionary vision. However, there are growing doubts as to whether secular constitutional democracy is safely anchored within the system of government in the country.

Winner of the 2021 Suraj Mal and Shyama Devi Agarwal Book Prize This book provides a socio-economic examination of the status of women in contemporary Turkey, assessing how policies have combined elements of neoliberalism and Islamic conservatism. Using rich qualitative and quantitative analyses, Women in Turkey analyses the policies concerning women in the areas of employment, education and health and the fundamental transformation of the construction of gender since the early 2000s. Comparing this with the situation pre-2000, the authors argue that the reconstruction of gender is part of the reshaping of the state-society relations, the state-business relationship, and the cultural changes that have taken place across the country over the last two decades. Thus, the book situates the Turkish case within the broader context of international development of neoliberalism while paying close attention to its idiosyncrasies. Adopting a political economy perspective emphasizing the material sources of gender relations, this book will be useful to students and scholars of Middle Eastern politics, political Islam and Gender Studies.

Turkey's modern history has been full of instability and continuing contradictions. The nature of national identity and its relationship to the state continues to be an issue and Turks are still faced with the conflict between the twin goals of "joining the West" and preserving their own cultural forms. The emergence of Islamicism as a political ideology has helped to shape politics in Turkey, as it has had to compete in the political market place with other, secularist, parties and to play the game according to the rules of secular democracy, rather than a millenarian revolutionary vision. However, there are growing doubts as to whether secular constitutional democracy is safely anchored within the system of government in the country.

Following up on his 1995 study of the initial transition period in formerly communist economies, Adam Zwass carries the analysis into the second phase of reform. He devotes focused attention to the pivotal role of privatization strategies, contrasting the outcomes of the voucher plans with outright sale of state assets (including to foreign investors). Taking advantage of his incomparable experience as a financial expert first in the CMEA and later with the Austrian National Bank, Zwass considers the record of newly emerging banking and financial systems and the challenges of entry into the regional and global financial and trading systems.

This volume, Sources of Contemporary Radicalism, begins with Seweryn Bialer's examination of the definitional aspects of radicalism, as well as with the identification of specific contemporary sources of the radical impulse and the social groups that are the carriers of radicalism within society. In the next two chapters, Seymour Lipset and Stanley Rothman consider the case of the United States. Lipset asks anew the question posed by Werner Sombart at the beginning of this century: "Why is there no socialism in the United States?"From the perspective of a century of literature addressed to this question, he provides his own critique and explanation.Rothman considers the relatively new phenomenon of student radicalism in the United States, and, on the basis ofinterviews with student activists and results of tests they agreed to take, he offers hypotheses concerning their psychological motivation. Sidney Tarrow's chapter presents a comparisonand contrast of the societal sources contributing to the growth of radical movements in post-World War IIFrance and Italy. Henry Landsberger, in his chapter, concentrateson one societal group, the peasantry. Landsberger addresses the methodological issue that arises in defining peasant discontent as radicalism, and examines what it is that provides a "new" dimension to peasant discontent in modern times. In the final chapter, William Overholt presents a valuable interpretative survey of the literature on radicalism.

Violent Islamic extremism is affecting a growing number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In some, jihadi Salafi organizations have established home bases and turned into permanent security challengers. However, other countries have managed to prevent the formation or curb the spread of homegrown jihadi Salafi organizations. In this book, Sebastian Elischer provides a comparative analysis of how different West and East African states have engaged with fundamentalist Muslim groups between the 1950s and today. In doing so, he establishes a causal link between state-imposed organizational gatekeepers in the Islamic sphere and the absence of homegrown jihadi Salafism. Illustrating that the contemporary manifestation of violent Islamic extremism in sub-Saharan Africa is an outcome of strategic political decisions that are deeply embedded in countries' autocratic pasts, he challenges conventional notions of statehood on the African continent, and provides new insight into the evolving relationships between secular and religious authority.

In recent years, political, religious, and other special-interest groups have waged war on behavioral and social research projects that threaten their interests and values. They have hounded researchers out of universities, cut off their funding through congressional and state legislative pressure, and harassed them with public demonstrations and picketing, all in the hope of forcing them to abandon their research. Formerly such unwanted involvement came from activists on the left. Now it comes from all across the political spectrum, as anti-science attitudes and techniques have diffused throughout society. In addition, conservative and religious forces lobby Congress and state legislatures against funding for major research projects of which they disapprove. This phenomenon represents a grave threat to both scientific freedom and the well-being of modern society. Morton Hunt gives us the first serious overview of this threat to behavioral and social science research. He illustrates precisely how scientific research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings "illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition of research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings" illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition to research, using interviews with expert observers in the sciences and government. Hunt reviews the nature-nurture debate, biological contributions to gender differences, conservative opposition to sex research in the schools, the debate over the controlled drinking approach to alcoholism, animal rights versus scientists' rights to use animals in research, the controversy over day care, anthropological research needs versus the Native American repatriation of remains, and other cases. He argues that beyond the specific projects targeted, the most important thing threatened is the social valation of scientific freedom. The belief that it is permissible and laudable to obstruct research is neo-Luddite, obscurantist, and anti-intellectual. This comprehensive, nonpartisan study is possibly the only book-length treatment of this important subject. It treats attacks on science from both the left and the right and is timely, lively, and accessible in style. It will be of interest to behavioral scientists and scientists in general, readers interested in the sciences and in social issues, and government policymakers.

In recent years, political, religious, and other special-interest groups have waged war on behavioral and social research projects that threaten their interests and values. They have hounded researchers out of universities, cut off their funding through congressional and state legislative pressure, and harassed them with public demonstrations and picketing, all in the hope of forcing them to abandon their research. Formerly such unwanted involvement came from activists on the left. Now it comes from all across the political spectrum, as anti-science attitudes and techniques have diffused throughout society. In addition, conservative and religious forces lobby Congress and state legislatures against funding for major research projects of which they disapprove. This phenomenon represents a grave threat to both scientific freedom and the well-being of modern society. Morton Hunt gives us the first serious overview of this threat to behavioral and social science research. He illustrates precisely how scientific research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings "illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition of research has been subjected to political attack. "The New Know-Nothings" illustrates this phenomenon using in-depth case histories and background discussions of the conflicting social forces involved. It considers the prevalence of each form of opposition to research, using interviews with expert observers in the sciences and government. Hunt reviews the nature-nurture debate, biological contributions to gender differences, conservative opposition to sex research in the schools, the debate over the controlled drinking approach to alcoholism, animal rights versus scientists' rights to use animals in research, the controversy over day care, anthropological research needs versus the Native American repatriation of remains, and other cases. He argues that beyond the specific projects targeted, the most important thing threatened is the social valation of scientific freedom. The belief that it is permissible and laudable to obstruct research is neo-Luddite, obscurantist, and anti-intellectual. This comprehensive, nonpartisan study is possibly the only book-length treatment of this important subject. It treats attacks on science from both the left and the right and is timely, lively, and accessible in style. It will be of interest to behavioral scientists and scientists in general, readers interested in the sciences and in social issues, and government policymakers.

One of the issues at the end of the 20th century in Europe is the process of Europeanization, including the widening of Europe to the East. This book draws upon a variety of sources to show how different ideas of youth were constructed in East and West Europe in the course of modernization under both Communism and welfare capitalism. Modern concepts of youth, the book argues, have been de-constructed and re-constructed by changes in state policies, the labour market, education and popular culture so that it is no longer so clear who youth are or how they can be helped. The book is aimed at departments of sociology (courses in education, youth and the family), social policy and politics.

This book rejects apocalyptic pronouncements that the end of the millennium represents the 'end' of nature as well. "Remaking Reality" brings together contributors from across the human sciences who argue that a notion of "social nature" provides great hope for the future. Applying a variety of theoretical approaches to social nature, and engaging with debates in politics, science, technology and social movements surrounding race, gender and class, the contributors explore important and emerging sites where nature is now being remade with considerable social and ecological consequences.

Remaking Reality rejects apocalyptic pronouncements that the end of the millennium represents the 'end' of nature as well. Bringing together leading international contributors this book argues that a notion of 'social nature' provides great hope for the future. Engaging with debates in politics, science, technology and social movements surrounding race, gender and class, the contributors explore important and emerging sites where nature is now being remade with considerable social and ecological consequences.
For critics and activists alike Remaking Reality provides essential theoretical and political tools to rethink environmentalism and progressive social natures for the twenty-first century.

The text argues that individualism is far from dead. Tibor Machan identifies, develops and defends what he calls classical individualism - an individualism humanized by classical philosophy, rooted in Aristotle rather than Hobbes. It does not reject the social nature of human beings, but finds that every one has a self-directed agent who is responsible for what he or she does. Machan rejects all types of collectivism, including communitarianism, ethnic solidarity, racial unity and gender identity. The ideas expressed have important social and political implications, and should be of interest to anyone concerned with the notion of individuality and individual responsibility, or with an interest in the following: social and political affairs, social ethics, political philosophy, economics, rights theory, the nature of the human being, libertarianism, capitalism, or environmentalism.

Written for undergradaute courses on postwar American foreign policy, Southeast Asian history, the Cold War, the Vietnam war, international relations, decolonization, and third world communism, this introduction uses the wealth of recent research to place the Vietnam war within the contexts of European colonization, American Cold War strategy and Vietnam's own political history

There have been a number of political issues that involve religious fundamentalism, inter-ethnic conflict and the process of democratization. In this study the authors develop a feminist perspective on these issues and reveal the way that political ideologies use women as symbols of cultural perspective. Topics for discussion include: Yugoslavia; the emergence of a "male democracy" in Chile; women's rights in Israel; the far right and women in France; and the experience of immigrants in Britain. This study of women's involvement with restrictive political ideologies aims to demonstrate the importance of a feminist politics that enables women to understand and work with each other across the boundaries that divide them.

"Gender, Ethnicity and Political Ideologies" presents a broad range of international case studies such as inter-ethnic conflict in Yugoslavia, the emergence of a "male democracy" in Chile, the lack of equal rights for women in Israel, the role of women in the French far right's ideology and the sense of empowerment that Islam gives to many young Muslim women in Britain. Also included is an analysis of nationalist ideologies that can divide women from each other and define their role in reproductive terms.
This is a challenging study that asserts the importance of a feminist politics which enables women to understand and work with each other across the boundaries that so effectively divide them. It will be essential reading for those in search of a rigorous analysis of the role and significance of women in a rapidly changing political landscape.

Poland's transition from socialism to capitalism has largely been praised as a success story. In reality, however, according to this study, Poland's case is an incomplete transition. The authors argue that these symptoms arise from a political economy failure to build the required insititutions, once the initial enthusiasm waned, and the positive effects of those initial measures - which began the process in the early 1990's - petered out. These essays suggest respective economic remedies, and demonstrate why some of them are politically difficult in the present, still volatile, political climate. Moreover, they tentatively look at the sources of resistance to further systematic change which go beyond traditional reform fatique. Looking at the processes involved in economic transition, covering key issues including financial markets, labour market, competition and intervention, social security, property rights and attitudes towards the changing political economy, this book provides a wide-ranging study of economic development. It should be of great use to economists, those involved in Russian and East European studies, and political scientists.

It is rare for a scholar to revisit the scene of earlier research with a view to evaluating how that research has stood up over time. Here David E Apter does that and more. In a lengthy new introductory chapter to this classic study of bureaucratic nationalism, he reviews the efficacy of the concepts in his original study of Uganda of almost a century ago, including some, such as consociationalism', which have entered into the mainstream of comparative politics.