First published in 1999, this volume responds to the 1968 sewing worker strikes at the Ford Motor Company, asking how the worker demands made by women are to be heard and understood in workplace negotiations. At the time of original writing in the late 1990s, there remained many women workers whose needs and concerns remained hidden behind a workplace agenda dominated by male interests. Kay M. Fraser utilises some of the insights offered by post-structuralist feminist theorists to interrogate the competing debates about women workers as they were discursively constructed by the organisations, institutions and individuals interested and involved in the employment of women during the 1960s. Fraser further explores notions of sameness and difference, how these were used to formulate a view of women workers and highlights the need for women to be seen, particularly by those involved in the workplace negotiations of the future, as both the same as and different from men workers.

This book, a trenchant analysis of schooling within the capitalist world system, where educational reforms are directed to the satisfaction of the business community, military industrial complex, and corporate sector, is a work combating injustice and authoritarianism prevalent in the Americas.

The book aims to give, via a collection of representative papers from the journal Environmental Politics, an overview of both the evolution and the diverse themes found in contemporary green political thought, especially as found in the industrialized nations. Accordingly, it charts the key research papers from the leading European journal of environmental politics since the early 1990s, a period in which environmental politics developed from a marginal status in society and the academy through to its current place as a mainstream intellectual consideration; in doing so the book will both trace a development of ideas and give an overview of the diverse vital considerations in the field today. Subdivided into sections on political theory, social movements, political economy and policy questions, and assisted by a contextualizing introduction, the collection deals with a set of themes that include the following:
- The character of green political theory and its relationships with other political traditions and theories,
- the origins and dynamics of contemporary environmental politics in collective responses to particular issues,
- the differences, similarities and practical tensions between the environmental politics of the North and that of the South,
- the relationship of environmental politics to market economics and ecological modernization
- the environmental aspects of distributive justice concerns at the local, national and global institutional levels
- the roles, value and valuing of nature in green theory and institutional practice.
As a compilation, the book operates in a unique way. It serves on one side as a compilation volume of key papers thatprovides a snapshot of a whole variety of issues in the field, and is thus suitable for teaching purposes, especially at postgraduate level. In addition, each section is chronologically arranged, and so an evolution of related ideas is manifest in the selection, thus making the book an ideal "one stop" purchase for those seeking to understand the development of the field of environmental politics since the start of the 1990s, especially as it has been practiced in developed nations outside the American continent.

Foundations of American Political Thought: Readings and Commentary explains American historical concepts and key political ideas from 1620 to 1910. In this primer for democracy, all verbatim passages and original documents point to their original intentions and ideological movements. Key terms and basic terminology are incisive and essential for a thorough understanding of democracy. This book represents the setting and trends that produced sound progress in American political growth.

New York, Bern, Berlin, Frankfurt/M., Paris, Wien. This book contains a concise presentation of the major political theories underlying the Western tradition and contemporary ideological debates in America and the world. From the Ancients, Plato and Aristotle, to contemporary Americans, Rawls, Nozick and Barber, the book examines each thinker's conception of Human Nature, Political Society and Social Ethics. Extensive excerpts from the original writings and their relation to American political principles distinguish this valuable text.

England has had a predominantly conservative political culture for some centuries. Yet there is a persistent, minority strand of radicalism that has challenged the practices, beliefs and structures of power of the established order. This book explores this 'radical tradition' as articulated in the twentieth century. The main currents of English radicalism range from liberal reformers, through socialist parliamentarians, to social movement activists in the peace, women's and labour movements. Despite their differing agendas, all have held in common their moral and political commitments to achieving a free, democratic, equal and just society. Moreover, all have believed, whatever their other differences, in the importance of extra-parliamentary social movements. What is it that has constituted this 'radical tradition'? Is it a coherent, distinctive and important political force in the twentieth century? And how do these ideas and practices relate to radical politics in England in the early twenty-first century? This book offers an analysis of the historical and ideological development of English radicalism from the English Civil War onwards. Richard Taylor examines how the problems of achieving radical change in England in the twentieth century were approached by ten key figures from a range of ideological positions within the tradition: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. -- .

Sayyid Qutb is widely considered an ideologue of the radical Islamist movements in the present world. His writings and, in particular, his theory of jahiliyyah was viewed as a threat to the nationalistic regimes in the Muslim world from Egypt to Tashkent and is now viewed as a threat to the West and America. It is through the prism of jahiliyyah that the radical Islamist movements divide the world to Islamic and jahili camps.
Based on Qutb's own Arabic writings, The Political Thought of Sayyid Qutb explains with others of Qutb's ideas, the force and intent of the Jahiliyyah concept; explores its development until it became a mature confrontational theory. The issues addressed in this book include:
- Philosophical concepts such as sovereignty, servitude, innate, human intellect and the universe
- Modern ideologies including Nationalism, Capitalism, Socialism, Communism and Democracy
- The influence of Qutb's theory on Muslims, Jihad and State
The book sheds light on Islamic radicalism and its intellectual origins by presenting new analysis on the intellectual legacy of one of the most important thinkers of modern Islamic revival. The Political Thought of Sayyid Qutb is essential reading for those with interests in Islam, philosophy and radical Islam.""

This book explains the definitional aspects of radicalism and the identification of specific contemporary sources of the radical impulse and the social groups that are the carriers of radicalism within society. It deals with the impact of radicalism on the societies.

The Power of Sovereignty explores the religio-political and philosophical concepts of Sayyid Qutb, one of the most influential political thinkers for contemporary Islamists and who has greatly influenced the likes of Osama Bin Laden. Executed by the Egyptian state in 1966, his books continue to be read and his theory of jahiliyya 'ignorance' is still of prime importance for radical Islamic groups.

Providing a detailed perspective of Sayyid Qutb's writings, this book examines:

• the relation between the specifics of the concept of hakimiyyah and that of jahiliyyah
• the force and intent of these two concepts
• how Qutb employs their specifics to critically assess the political establishments like nationalism and capitalism
• the influence of the two concepts on Egypt's radical Islamic movements, where many of al'Qa'ida's lieutenants, officers, ideologues and conspirators were fomented

Shedding light on Islamic radicalism and its intellectual origins The Power of Sovereignty presents new analysis on the intellectual legacy of one of the most important thinkers of modern Islamic revival.

Fifteen years after the fall of communism, we are able to appraise the results of the multi-faceted postcommunist transition in Central and Eastern Europe with authority. This volume specifically addresses the fascinating area of Civil-Military relations throughout this transitional period. The countries of the region inherited a onerous legacy in this area: their armed forces were part of the communist party-state system and most were oriented towards Cold War missions; they were large in size and supported by high levels of defence spending; and they were based on universal male conscription. Central and eastern European states have thus faced a three fold civil-military reform challenge: establishing democratic and civilian control over their armed forces; implementing organisational reform to meet the security and foreign policy demands of the new era; and redefining military bases for legitimacy in society. This volume assesses the experiences of Poland, Hungary, Latvia, Romania, Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro, Ukraine and Russia in these areas. Collectively these countries illustrate the way in which the interaction of broadly similar postcommunist challenges and distinct national contexts have combined to produce a wide variety of different patterns of civil-military relations. This book was previously published as a special issue of European Security.

A fascinating insight into political life after the collapse of communism and the fall of the Iron Curtain in the late 1980s.
For Communist parties and their successors (CSPs), the challenge was perhaps the greatest - to redefine themselves within new, 'westernized' political systems. As these parties sought to adapt their programmatic appeals to their new environments, they searched for policies from abroad that could fit these new political structures.
The political parties of Western Europe provided a rich range of programs from which policies could be drawn. This book analyzes how, to what extent and under what conditions external influences came to bear on the programmatic development of CSPs. It argues that while some parties remain neo-communist in orientation, growling about the evils of capitalism on the far-left of their respective political systems, others have developed into social democratic actors, embracing programmatic ideals that often bear a strong resemblance to those of center-left actors in Western Europe.
This book was previously published as a special issue of "The" "Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics."

Since the early 2000s, authoritarianism has risen as an increasingly powerful global phenomenon. This shift has not only social and political implications, but also environmental implications: authoritarian leaders seek to recast the relationship between society and the government in every aspect of public life, including environmental policy. When historians of technology or the environment have investigated the environmental consequences of authoritarian regimes, they have frequently argued that authoritarian regimes have been unable to produce positive environmental results or adjust successfully to global structural change, if they have shown any concern for the environment at all. Put another way, the scholarly consensus holds that authoritarian regimes on both the left and the right generally have demonstrated an anti-environmentalist bias, and when opposed by environmentalist social movements, have succeeded in silencing those voices. This book explores the theme of environmental politics and authoritarian regimes on both the right and the left. The authors argue that in instances when environmentalist policies offer the possibility of bolstering a country's domestic (nationalist) appeal or its international prestige, authoritarian regimes can endorse and have endorsed environmental protective measures. The collection of essays analyzes environmentalist initiatives pursued by authoritarian regimes, and provides explanations for both the successes and failures of such regimes, looking at a range of case studies from a number of countries, including Brazil, China, Poland, and Zimbabwe. The volume contributes to the scholarly debate about the social and political preconditions necessary for effective environmental protection. This book will be of great interest to those studying environmental history and politics, environmental humanities, ecology, and geography.

An analysis of selective aspects of India's constitutional identity, this book provides an analytical account of the changing and changed texture of India's constitutional identity bearing in mind the historical context in which it is articulated. The book conceptualizes the gradual evolution of an idea by tracing the history of India's constitutionalism with reference to its conceptual roots, historical antecedents and the landmark judicial pronouncements in which the concern for its retention and protection is always privileged. The author examines specific constitutional designs that the 1950 Constitution of India put in place and argues that constitutional identity, despite being drawn on specific constitutional provisions, is also changeable in view of the rapidly transforming socio-economic milieu. He demonstrates that there are numerous instances where India's constitutional identity has undergone a metamorphosis in circumstances where newer politico-ideological values and norms are privileged. A valuable addition to the literature on constitutionalism and constitutional practices in general and their manifestation in India's democratic experiences, in particular, this book will be of interest to academics in the fields of Government, Political Science, Law and Jurisprudence, Constitutional and Legal History and Asian Studies.

Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) was a Caribbean and African psychiatrist, philosopher and revolutionary whose works, including Black Skin, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth are hugely influential in the fields of post-colonial studies, critical theory, and post-Marxism. His legacy remains with us today, having inspired movements in Palestine, Sri Lanka, the US and South Africa. This is a critical biography of his extraordinary life. Peter Hudis draws on the expanse of his life and work - from his upbringing in Martinique and early intellectual influences to his mature efforts to fuse psychoanalysis and philosophy and contributions to the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria - to counter the monolithic assumption that Fanon's contribution to modern thought is defined by the advocacy of violence. He was a political activist who brought his interests in psychology and philosophy directly to bear on such issues as mutual recognition, democratic participation and political sovereignty. Hudis shows that, as a result, Fanon emerges as neither armchair intellectual nor intransigent militant.

'Nesrine Malik writes with urgent eloquence about the world we live in, applying her brilliant mind to some of the most important debates of our age. She's right: we do need new stories. Most of all though, we need this book' ELIZABETH DAY, author of HOW TO FAIL 'We live in confusing and chaotic times - an age where the values many took for granted are being questioned, where universal rights are being casually denied. WE NEED NEW STORIES is the first book I've read that makes sense of where we are, and of what we will lose if we don't wake up. An urgent, totally essential book' SATHNAM SANGHERA 'An acute and nuanced interrogator of contemporary prejudices, Nesrine Malik writes with immense moral courage and intellectual power' PANKAJ MISHRA 'Stares into the heart of our current seething political volcano and gives it a cool hosing down . . . powerful and persuasive' OBSERVER *** It is becoming clear that the old frames of reference are not working, that the narratives used for decades to stave off progressive causes are being exposed as falsehoods. Six myths have taken hold, ones which are at odds with our lived experience and in urgent need of revision. Has freedom of speech become a cover for promoting prejudice? Has the concept of political correctness been weaponised to avoid ceding space to those excluded from power? Does white identity politics pose an urgent danger? These are some of the questions at the centre of Nesrine Malik's radical and compelling analysis that challenges us to find new narrators whose stories can fill the void and unite us behind a shared vision.

This book provides an overview of the evolution of political Islam in South-east Asia. It analyses the sources of religious radicalism and assesses the regional terrorist and radical networks. It describes how secular democratic institutions can be strengthened, and how moderate and tolerant tendencies can be promoted.

Paul Gilroy's After Empire - in many ways a sequel to his classic study of race and nation, There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack - explores Britain's failure to come to terms with the loss of its empire and pre-eminent global standing. Drawing on texts from the writings of Fanon and Orwell to Ali G. and The Office, After Empire shows that what we make of the country's postcolonial opportunity will influence the future of Europe and the viability of race as a political category. Taking the political language of the post 9/11 world as a new point of departure he defends beleaguered multiculturalism against accusations of failure. He then takes the liberal discourse of human rights to task, finding it wanting in terms of both racism and imperialism. Gilroy examines how this imperial dissolution has resulted not only in hostility directed at blacks, immigrants and strangers, but also in the country's inability to value the ordinary, unruly multi-culturalism that has evolved organically and unnoticed in its urban centres. A must-read for students of cultural studies, and Britain in the post 9/11 era.

In 1997 Tony Blair broke with tradition by naming education as a major priority for the General Election Manifesto. In the past, Labour leaders had tended to give education a much lower priority. Despite this, Blair has been greatly criticised for his educational programme 1997-2001. Was he taking education away from traditional labour values of fairness and equality? Was Blair's 'Third Way' just 'Thatcherism in Trousers'? Denise Lawton approaches such questions by analysing labour education policies since 1900 and shows that from the very beginning the labour Party lacked unity and ideological coherence concerning education. Specifically, there has always been a tension between those like the early Fabians who saw educational reform in terms of economic efficiency, and the ethical socialists whose vision of a more moral society stressed the importance of social justice in education. After an assessment of Labour ideologies in the past, this book concludes with an examination of New Labour and the 'Third Way' in education and suggests some changes that will be necessary in the near future.

In 1997 Tony Blair broke with tradition by naming education as a major priority for the General Election Manifesto. In the past, Labour leaders had tended to give education a much lower priority. Despite this, Blair has been greatly criticised for his educational programme 1997-2001. Was he taking education away from traditional labour values of fairness and equality? Was Blair's 'Third Way' just 'Thatcherism in Trousers'? Denise Lawton approaches such questions by analysing labour education policies since 1900 and shows that from the very beginning the labour Party lacked unity and ideological coherence concerning education. Specifically, there has always been a tension between those like the early Fabians who saw educational reform in terms of economic efficiency, and the ethical socialists whose vision of a more moral society stressed the importance of social justice in education. After an assessment of Labour ideologies in the past, this book concludes with an examination of New Labour and the 'Third Way' in education and suggests some changes that will be necessary in the near future.

This book discusses Islam, its relationship with the world, and how Muslims perceive the world and their role within it. Using Islamic scriptures and the works of important Muslim clerics, the author explores the Islamic notion that Muslims represent the best of humanity, and as such, have the duty and the right to propagate their faith throughout the world by any means, including violence. Islam and the Infidels warns of the dangers Muslim immigration poses to free societies. Using a diplomacy of deceit, Islamists immigrate to Western societies. Having done so, they establish closed ethnic communities that are estranged from their host countries, and are breeding grounds for native-born malcontents who may attack and destroy Western nations from within. The author is especially critical of Western apologists who not only pretend that Islam is not inherently aggressive and dangerous, but also denigrate those who point out the threat to liberal values posed by fundamentalist Islamic ideology. Bukay argues that to meet the Islamic threat, the West must understand Islam's true nature, and the best way of doing so is by analysing its scriptures and history. Bukay argues that Western societies should embrace the Judeo-Christian tradition, which is the root of their cultural heritage. In light of the mounting Muslim threat to liberalism in Western societies, citizens should resist oppressive Islamic practices and doctrines rather than accept them.

Nominated for the Heritage Toronto Book Award * Longlisted for the Toronto Book Awards * A Globe and Mail Book of the Year * A CBC Books Best Canadian Nonfiction of 2021 From plantation rebellion to prison labour's super-exploitation, Walcott examines the relationship between policing and property. That a man can lose his life for passing a fake $20 bill when we know our economies are flush with fake money says something damning about the way we've organized society. Yet the intensity of the calls to abolish the police after George Floyd's death surprised almost everyone. What, exactly, does abolition mean? How did we get here? And what does property have to do with it? In On Property, Rinaldo Walcott explores the long shadow cast by slavery's afterlife and shows how present-day abolitionists continue the work of their forebears in service of an imaginative, creative philosophy that ensures freedom and equality for all. Thoughtful, wide-ranging, compassionate, and profound, On Property makes an urgent plea for a new ethics of care.

Religious-Zionist historiography has at times attempted to emphasize continuity, turning Abraham into the first Zionist and Nahmanides' travel to the Holy Land into another landmark in the realization of the religious-Zionist ideal. By contrast, this book approaches the creation of the Mizrachi as a genuine revolution, when the religious and rabbinic world entered institutionalized politics and, to some extent, assumed the demands of modernity. This is the first study in English tracing the course of religious-Zionism since the creation of the Mizrachi in 1902 until recent years, when traditional structures have changed or even collapsed and the movement confronts a new horizon.

How do dictatorships justify their rule and with what effects? This and similar questions guide the contributions to this edited volume. Despite the recent resurgence of political science scholarship on autocratic resilience, many questions remain unanswered about the role of legitimation in contemporary non-democracies and its relationship with neighbouring concepts, like ideology, censorship, and consent. The overarching thesis of this book is that autocratic legitimation has causal influence on numerous outcomes of interest in authoritarian politics. These outcomes include regime resilience, challenger-state interactions, the procedures and operations of elections, social service provision, and the texture of everyday life in autocracies. Researchers of autocratic politics will benefit from the rich contributions of this volume. The chapters in this book were originally published in a special issue of Contemporary Politics.

Political scientists have always accorded interest organizations a prominent place in European Union (EU) policy-making because they connect the EU institutions to citizens, provide important information to EU policy-makers, and control resources that impact on the problem-solving capacity of EU policies. In other words, they are vital to both the input legitimacy and the output legitimacy of the EU. So far, research on interest organizations in EU policy-making has concentrated on EU-level interest organizations and EU-level politics. This edited book draws attention to the role national interest organizations play in the EU multilevel system. All contributions present state-of-the-art research on that subject in the form of theory-driven empirical analyses. Chapter 8 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138614741_oachapter8.pdf