The Roots of Contemporary Imperialism argues that the presence of George W. Bush and the issues that accompanied his presidency, such as popular repression and business domination, are not the result of an authoritarian regression of U.S. politics but rather represent the continuation of an approach that came into existence during the age of the Founding Fathers. The creation of the federal presidential republic, whose main purpose was not as much to preserve the balance of power between the various branches of government as to hinder any radical changes in society, shows how the Fathers' main concern was not people's freedom but to devise constitutional mechanisms intended to defend the properties, wealth, and privileges of economic elites. In the author's view, Barack Obama's recent election as the nominee of one of the two wings of the single "business party," despite the rhetoric about "change" and "hope," followed exactly the same pattern.

In Search of a Political Philosophy is an analysis of the three democratic isms' - conservatism, liberalism and socialism - and of the distinct nature of the all-devouring ideology - Marxist communism. The author is concerned with the conscious and unconscious assumptions of the proponents and followers of each ideology, and those of their theoreticians and critics.

This book provides an overview of the state of Russia after the 2012 presidential election. It considers a wide range of both domestic and international issues, examining both the run up to and the consequences of the election. It covers political, economic, and social topics. It assesses the political scene both before and after the election, and discusses the nature of and likely future of democracy in Russia. The election's impact on the Russian economy is discussed in detail, as are Russia's relationships with the United States, the European Union, and other parts of the world.

In Political Correctness: For and Against, two prominent philosophers engage each other in a forthright debate over some of the centrally disputed topics in the controversy now being waged on college campuses across the nation. In her lead essay supporting political correctness, Marilyn Friedman challenges the critical response to hate speech codes, disputes the supposed preeminence of the Western canon, and champions thick multiculturalism over a thin global diversity approach. She also argues that a politically correct perspective need not abandon the concept of truth even while recognising its political vulnerabilities, and she defends feminism and feminists against widespread distortion and caricature.

This timely text provides a concise and readable assessment of the dynamics, character and consequences of opposition to European integration at all levels from elites and governments through parties and the media to voters and grass roots organizations.

Democracy, anticipated by American and other Western powers to prevent economic chaos and political conflict within and among states, is not evolving as expected. This research argues that part of the failure resides in United States democracy assistance's inadequate consideration of gender within democracy programming.

Few ideas have excited such passions over the years as Pan-Islam, and few have been the subject of so many contradictory interpretations. Based on a shared religious sentiment, the politics of Muslim unity and solidarity have had to contend with the impact of both secularism and nationalism. Professor Landau's study, first published in 1990 as The Politics of Pan-Islam, is the first comprehensive examination of the politics of Pan-Islam, its ideologies and movements, over the last 120 years. Starting with the plans and activities of Abdulhamid II and his agents, he covers the fortunes of Pan-Islam up to and including the marked increase in Pan-Islamic sentiment and organization in the 1970s and 1980s. The study is based on a scholarly analysis of archival and other sources in many languages. It covers an area from Morocco in the west to India and Pakistan in the east and from Russia and Turkey to the Arabian Peninsula. It will provide a unique reference point for anyone wishing to understand the impact of Pan-Islam on international politics today.

This volume by acclaimed war reporter Clare Hollingworth , first published in 1952, surveys the politics of an area which has produced, and is likely to produce, more wars that it can consume locally. After a historical opening, about the general situation during and after the war, the author devotes chapters to the different States, and writes in some detail of the main problems affecting the area, such as oil, military power, communism and industrialization.

This special issue of Aphasiology brings together papers from six countries in three continents on the ways in which computers are being used in the domain. Information technology is now well established as a means of delivering treatment to people with aphasia and this issue includes papers which describe the latest ways in which this is being carried out. Doesborgh et. al. report on Multicue, a way in which the capabilities of computers are used to support cueing approaches to the treatment of naming difficulties; and Mortley et. al. use the internet as a means of delivering innovative treatment approaches to the client at home. It is important that the high tech glamour of the technology does not obscure the need to critically evaluate the contribution of this mode of treatment. Two papers, Wallesch & Johanssen-Horbach, and Wertz & Katz, review and critique the outcomes and effectiveness of computer mediated therapy. In the 21st century computers are increasingly a part of everyday life and two papers address ways in which people with aphasia may benefit from this and engage in the emerging "information society", Van de Sandt-Koenderman looks at ways in which the technology can be used to support communication in day to day life by the provision of appropriate communication aids. Egan et. al. report on training people with aphasia to access the internet on their own account so that they may fully engage with this resource as active citizens.

From Labour's promise to be 'tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime' through to the White Paper and new criminal justice legislation, controlling crime and reforming the criminal justice system has been one of the government's key priorities. This book provides a detailed review of the thinking behind these new plans and legislation, looking at policies and proposals in the field of punishment, particularly those embodied in the Halliday Review of the Sentencing Framework (2001), the government White Paper Justice for All (2002), and the 2002 Criminal Justice Bill. The contributors to the book subject to scrutiny the evidence for the 'evidence-based policy making' that is often claimed as a distinctive new feature to these processes, examining approaches to drug-dependent offenders, dangerous sex offenders, nuisance offenders, procedural and evidential protections in the courts, sentencing guidelines, sentencing management, racism in sentencing, custody plus, custody minus, and reducing the prison population.

This book comprises a systematic analysis of Karl Marx's reasoning on ownership. Marx as the author of an original theory of ownership is yet to be discovered. The creator of a theory which was to interpret social reality is quite a different thinker from the creator of a doctrine which was to alter the world. In designing communist society, Marx ignored the threats which social property bears, despite having skillfully identified them in investigations of diverse pre-capitalistic forms of common ownership. The author seeks to break through one-sided interpretations which discern in Marx a decisive critique of private property and an apologia of common ownership. It becomes apparent that Marx treated both the processes of socialization and privatization of ownership with equal consideration.

"Traditional intellectual history at its finest. . . . a comfortable, logical, uncontroversial book that is likely to remain a standard work for a long time."
"--H-Net"

Prior to the Vietnam war, American intellectual life rested comfortably on shared assumptions and often common ideals. Intellectuals largely supported the social and economic reforms of the 1930s, the war against Hitler's Germany, and U.S. conduct during the Cold War. By the early 1960s, a liberal intellectual consensus existed.

The war in Southeast Asia shattered this fragile coalition, which promptly dissolved into numerous camps, each of which questioned American institutions, values, and ideals. Robert R. Tomes sheds new light on the demise of Cold War liberalism and the development of the New Left, and the steady growth of a conservatism that used Vietnam, and anti-war sentiment, as a rallying point. Importantly, Tomes provides new evidence that neoconservatism retreated from internationalism due largely to Vietnam, only to regroup later with substantially diminished goals and expectations.

Covering vast archival terrain, Apocalypse Then stands as the definitive account of the impact of the Vietnam war on American intellectual life.

This book examines two sides of civil-military relations in developing countries. One is the place of civil-military relations within a state's political and economic systems; the other is the role of the military on a state's maintenance of peace and stability. The book thus proposes that the function of soldiers is not only to defend and deter, but also to develop. The chapters provide a comprehensive analysis of civil-military relationship with comparative cases on Botswana, China, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, and The Arab Spring Countries of the Middle East including Bahrain, Sudan, Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen and Libya. Each chapter analyzes the historical, cultural and political factors that shape the direction of the man on the white horse (military elite) and the politician. In doing so, this book reveals the potential impact of the nature of civil military relations on democratization, political and economic development, and on regional/international security. Dhirendra Vajpeyi and Glen Segell discuss and critique the current models and literature on civil-military relations. The innovative framework and careful choice of case studies, presented in a jargon-free, accessible style, makes this book attractive to scholars and students of civil military relations and development studies, as well as policymakers.

This is the first collection to bring together leading scholars from diverse disciplines to offer a variety of perspectives on ideology and its analysis, emphasizing the input of different intellectual and scholarly traditions to the meaning of ideology. The articles explore commonalities in the use and understanding of ideology as well as delineating constructive differences in its interpretation, while illuminating the changes that the concept of ideology, as well as the practices it signifies, has undergone in recent years. Contributions are included from the fields of political theory, history, literature, political science, cultural studies, post-Marxism, discourse analysis, language studies, law, and sociology. The Meaning of Ideology advances our understanding of the intricacy and relevance of ideology, and offers the latest theories and insights that currently inform scholarship on the subject. Ideology emerges through the pages of this collection more strongly than ever as a major tool of understanding political language and as a durable and normal phenomenon that is inherent in the many ways we conceive the world around us. This book was previously published as a special issue of The Journal of Political Ideologies and will be of interest to students of political ideologies and political and social theory.

This book examines the role of terrorist innovation and learning in theory and practice, and in the context of three specific EU case-studies. It is often said that terrorist groups are relatively conservative in character operating in a technological vacuum - relying almost exclusively on bombs and bullets. This observation masks increasing complexity and creativity and innovation within terrorist groups and one of the most distinguishing features of al-Qaeda's terrorist operations is its propensity for remarkable innovation. This book examines how and why terrorist groups innovate more generally and al-Qaeda-related terrorist plots in Europe more specifically. The starting point for this book was twofold. Firstly to examine the issue of innovation and learning more generically both in theory, within specific themes and within the context of al-Qaeda's influence on this process. Secondly, this book examines the evolution of specific al-Qaeda-related plots in three specific northern EU states - the United Kingdom, Denmark and Germany - where there has been a significant volume of planned, failed and executed terrorist plots. In particular, these case studies explore signs of innovation and learning. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism and counter-terrorism, political violence, security studies and IR in general.

The past decade has seen a marked policy focus upon Bangladesh, home to nearly 150 million Muslims; it has attracted the attention of the world due to weak governance and the rising tide of Islamist violence. This book provides a broad-ranging analysis of the growth and impact of "political Islam" in Bangladesh, and reactions to it. Grounded in empirical data, experts on Bangladesh examine the changing character of Bangladeshi politics since 1971, with a particular focus on the convergence of governance, Islamism and militancy. They examine the impacts of Islamist politics on education, popular culture and civil society, and the regional and extraregional connections of the Bangladeshi Islamist groups. Bringing together journalists and academics - all of whom have different professional and methodological backgrounds and field experiences which impact upon these issues from different vantage points - the book assesses Bangladesh's own prospects for internal stability as well as its wider impact upon South Asian security. It argues that the political environment of Bangladesh, the appeal of Islamist ideology to the general masses and the dynamic adaptability of Islamist organizations all demonstrate that Bangladesh will continue to focus the attention of policy makers and analysts alike. This is a timely, incisive and original explanation of the rise of political Islam and Islamic militancy in Bangladesh.

Politicians still call themselves socialists, conservatives and liberals, but among these groups exist very different understandings of what these terms represent. This new book provides a clear, comprehensive and up-to-date introduction to the ideas and doctrines that have shaped, and will continue to shape, British politics. The first section of the book looks at different aspects of the wider context, the nature of political doctrines or ideologies and the role they play in politics in general. The main section of the book examines individual ideologies, broadly grouped into two categories of "mainstream" ideologies--conservatism, socialism, liberalism, and nationalism--and the "fringe"--namely the Greens, the far left and the far right. British democracy, economic policy and consensus, the nature of ideological thinking and its place in politics are also considered. Finally, a short section considers the future: what forces, such as globalization and postmodernity, will shape the further development of those doctrines which are part of British politics today? -- .

Giroux probes the depth and range of forces pushing the United States into a new form of authoritarianism, one that connects the Orwellian surveillance state with the forms of ideological control made famous by Aldous Huxley. Addressing how neoliberalism, or the new market fundamentalism, is shaping a range of registers from language and memory to youth and higher education, Giroux explores how education in a variety of spheres is transformed into a type of miseducation perpetuated through what he calls a "disimagination machine"-one that reproduces the present by either distorting or erasing the past. But Giroux is not content to focus on how matters of politics, subjectivity, power, and desire are colonized through forms of miseducation; he is also concerned with the educative nature of politics as the practice of freedom and how the emphasis on critique must be matched by a politics and discourse of resistance, hope, and possibility. This becomes particularly evident in his chapters on Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn. Thinking Dangerously makes clear that at the heart of the struggle for a radical democracy is the reviving of the radical imagination as the basis for new forms of political and collective struggle. Probing these issues through a series of interrelated essays and important interviews, Giroux provides an accessible, layered, and sustained example of how thinking dangerously is central to and connected with the struggle over the radical imagination and the fight to fulfill the promise of a radical democracy.

Recent years have witnessed a resurgence of the 'end of ideology' thesis, not as a theoretical stance but as a reaction to what appears to have been the decline of major ideological families, such as socialism, in a changing world order. Globalization, as well as internal national fragmentation of belief systems, have made it difficult to identify ideology in its conventional formats. Previously published as a special issue of The Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, this volume challenges the notion that we are living in a post-ideological age. It offers a theoretical framework for exploring some of the new manifestations of ideologies, and combines this with a series of case studies relating to recent ideational phenomena, such as populism, environmentalism and Islamic fundamentalism. The contributors reassess some typologies, such as the left-right axis, as an explanatory device and use ideology research to bring together different scholarly perspectives including party-political analysis, the history of ideas, post-Marxism, and movement politics.

This analysis of political speeches and televised political interviews in the UK, based on the Annual Party Conferences (1996-2000) and the last five general elections (1983-2001), evaluates the interview skills of politicians and political interviewers, investigates how and why politicians equivocate and handle interruptions and examines the nature of applause, both invited and uninvited, in political speeches.

This insightful and authoritative two-volume set examines the major issues and theories concerning federal political systems. The book covers the two main branches in the economics literature. The first branch, on competitive federalism focuses on the horizontal structure of federalism, as well as examining the jurisdictional competition between state and governments for mobile individuals and resources. The second branch focuses on fiscal federalism and examines the vertical structure of federalism, or the division of public services and taxing power between central and state governments. This comprehensive set also examines applications of the economic analysis of federalism in specific areas of the law, including: corporate law; antitrust law; environmental law; choice of law rules; contractual choice of law and public choice theory. It will be of interest to economic and legal scholars alike.

Louis Hartz is best known for his classic study, The Liberal Tradition in America. At Harvard University, his lecture course on nineteenth-century politics and ideologies was memorable. Through the editorial hand of Paul Roazen, we can now share the experience of Hartz's considerable contributions to the theory of politics.

At the root of Hartz's work is the belief that revolution is not produced by misery, but by pressure of a new system on an old one. This approach enables him to explain sharp differences in revolutionary traditions. Because America essentially was a liberal society from its beginning and had no need for revolutions, America also lacked reactionaries, and lacked a tradition of genuine conservatism characteristic of European thought.

In lectures embracing Rousseau, Burke, Comte, Hegel, Mill, and Marx among others, Hartz develops a keen sense of the delicate balance between the role of the state in both enhancing and limiting personal freedom. Hartz notably insisted on the autonomy of intellectual life and the necessity of individual choice as an essential ingredient of liberty.

As rapid economic development brings increasing uncertainty in East Asia, interest in a new version of republicanism, termed iscalled neo-Roman republicanism, is growing across the region. Conceptualized as liberty as non-domination, this new form of republicanism has inspired not only Western but also East Asian political theorists. However, neo-Roman republican ideas in Northeast Asian countries continue to face serious conceptual and political challenges, which scholarly literature on both republicanism and on East Asian politics has largely failed to confront. This book addresses these challenges by surveying the latest theoretical contributions to the studies of republicanism in Western countries and the latest interpretations of how republicanism, including both communitarian republicanism and neo-Roman republicanism, has been appropriated in countries in East Asia. In particular, it deals with the key question of whether liberty as non-domination can work in non-Western contexts where the fundamental tenets of liberal democracy, such as moral individualism and value pluralism, do not predominate. Across three sections, the chapters first provide a conceptual overview of republicanism as a global political theory, they then consider how republicanism has historically been received, resisted, and translated into East Asia., and Ffinally, they examine how historically informed possibilities fit with the emergent needs of contemporary Northeast Asian societies. Overall, the contributors show that republicanism is an always-ongoing project, whose terms must be interpreted and translated into the various communities they inform. Normative considerations about whether or how republicanism applies in East Asia cannot be divorced from historical and empirical approaches which consider the various ways in which republican ideals reflect the realities of life there. Dealing with the issue of republicanism from a new, comparative perspective, this book will have broad appeal to students and scholars of Asian studies, comparative political theory, political philosophy, sociology, and history.

This book presents a study of the career of Charles R. Crane, a central player in President Woodrow Wilson's entourage. In the wake of the U.S. intervention in the Great War, Crane participated in important diplomatic and fact-finding missions. Leclair follows Crane through revolutionary Russia and on the Western front, in the emerging countries born out of the Ottoman Empire, and then in postwar China. In the process, Leclair's book offers original insights into some of the major domestic and international decisions that define Wilson's presidency and its legacy in the history of the United States and of international relations, most notably Wilson's motivation and effort to bring about a new world order under American political and moral leadership. Leclair convincingly portrays Crane as a proponent of the principle of self-determination -one, indeed, whose aversion to colonialism predated Wilson's international vision as formulated in his Fourteen Points. While a convergence of reform interest and humanitarian concerns brought Crane and Wilson together on some of the most complex issues of the time, Crane's vision -propelled by a genuine philanthropic commitment-adds substance to what has largely been derided as empty Wilsonian idealism. The thematic structure of this book, the quality of its narration, and the wealth of information it contains, are added elements that make it an excellent contribution to the field of U.S. history. It could be used as a an assigned reading in college or university courses, especially in advanced American history, American Political thought and international relations courses.