How do dictatorships justify their rule and with what effects? This and similar questions guide the contributions to this edited volume. Despite the recent resurgence of political science scholarship on autocratic resilience, many questions remain unanswered about the role of legitimation in contemporary non-democracies and its relationship with neighbouring concepts, like ideology, censorship, and consent. The overarching thesis of this book is that autocratic legitimation has causal influence on numerous outcomes of interest in authoritarian politics. These outcomes include regime resilience, challenger-state interactions, the procedures and operations of elections, social service provision, and the texture of everyday life in autocracies. Researchers of autocratic politics will benefit from the rich contributions of this volume. The chapters in this book were originally published in a special issue of Contemporary Politics.

This book discusses Islam, its relationship with the world, and how Muslims perceive the world and their role within it. Using Islamic scriptures and the works of important Muslim clerics, the author explores the Islamic notion that Muslims represent the best of humanity, and as such, have the duty and the right to propagate their faith throughout the world by any means, including violence. Islam and the Infidels warns of the dangers Muslim immigration poses to free societies. Using a diplomacy of deceit, Islamists immigrate to Western societies. Having done so, they establish closed ethnic communities that are estranged from their host countries, and are breeding grounds for native-born malcontents who may attack and destroy Western nations from within. The author is especially critical of Western apologists who not only pretend that Islam is not inherently aggressive and dangerous, but also denigrate those who point out the threat to liberal values posed by fundamentalist Islamic ideology. Bukay argues that to meet the Islamic threat, the West must understand Islam's true nature, and the best way of doing so is by analysing its scriptures and history. Bukay argues that Western societies should embrace the Judeo-Christian tradition, which is the root of their cultural heritage. In light of the mounting Muslim threat to liberalism in Western societies, citizens should resist oppressive Islamic practices and doctrines rather than accept them.

Introducing the main theories of distributional justice the book covers utilitarianism and welfare economics, moving on to Rawls's social contract and the Sen/Nussbaum capability approach with a refreshingly readable style. There is a chapter covering the position of mothers and children in theories of justice. The book then studies empirical methods used in analysing the distribution of economic goods, covering Lorenz curves and inequality measures. The concepts of income, wealth and economic goods are comprehensively discussed, with a particular view to their role in theories of justice. This book is an important read for economists and other social scientists, as well as philosophers who want to quantify social and economic justice.

Bakhtin, Stalin, and Modern Russian Fiction presents an advanced introduction to the work of the Russian theorist Mikhail Bakhtin, focusing on the concepts of carnival, dialogism, and historicism. The discussion of Bakhtin pays particular attention to the impact of his historical context in the Soviet Union and to the importance of his own dialogic mode of discourse. Bakhtin's ideas are then placed in dialogic relation to the works of several important writers of modern Russian fiction, including Vassily Aksyonov, Ilf and Petrov, Mikhail Zoshchenko, Yuz Aleshkovsky, Andrei Bitov, and Sasha Sokolov.

The definition of ideology continues to occupy scholars across a wide range of disciplines. In this book, Teun A van Dijk sketches a challenging new multidisciplinary framework for theorizing ideology. He defines ideology as the basis of the social representations of a group, its functions in terms of social relations between groups, and its reproduction as enacted by discourse. Contemporary racist discourse is examined to illustrate these ideological relations between cognition, society and discourse.

The economic theories of Karl Marx and his disciples continue to be anthologized in books of literary theory and criticism and taught in humanities classrooms to the exclusion of other, competing economic paradigms. Marxism is collectivist, predictable, monolithic, impersonal, linear, reductive - in short, wholly inadequate as an instrument for good in an era when we know better than to reduce the variety of human experience to simplistic formulae. A person's creative and intellectual energies are never completely the products of culture or class. People are rational agents who choose between different courses of action based on their reason, knowledge, and experience. A person's choices affect lives, circumstances, and communities. Even literary scholars who reject pure Marxism are still motivated by it, because nearly all economic literary theory derives from Marxism or advocates for vast economic interventionism as a solution to social problems. Such interventionism, however, has a track-record of mass murder, war, taxation, colonization, pollution, imprisonment, espionage, and enslavement - things most scholars of imaginative literature deplore. Yet most scholars of imaginative literature remain interventionists. Literature and Liberty offers these scholars an alternative economic paradigm, one that over the course of human history has eliminated more generic bads than any other system. It argues that free market or libertarian literary theory is more humane than any variety of Marxism or interventionism. Just as Marxist historiography can be identified in the use of structuralism and materialist literary theory, so should free-market libertarianism be identifiable in all sorts of literary theory. Literature and Liberty disrupts the near monopolistic control of economic ideas in literary studies and offers a new mode of thinking for those who believe that arts and literature should play a role in discussions about law, politics, government, and economics. Drawing from authors as wide-ranging as Emerson, Shakespeare, E.M. Forster, Geoffrey of Monmouth, Henry Hazlitt, and Mark Twain, Literature and Liberty is a significant contribution to libertarianism and literary studies.

The book aims to give, via a collection of representative papers from the journal Environmental Politics, an overview of both the evolution and the diverse themes found in contemporary green political thought, especially as found in the industrialized nations. Accordingly, it charts the key research papers from the leading European journal of environmental politics since the early 1990s, a period in which environmental politics developed from a marginal status in society and the academy through to its current place as a mainstream intellectual consideration; in doing so the book will both trace a development of ideas and give an overview of the diverse vital considerations in the field today. Subdivided into sections on political theory, social movements, political economy and policy questions, and assisted by a contextualizing introduction, the collection deals with a set of themes that include the following:
- The character of green political theory and its relationships with other political traditions and theories,
- the origins and dynamics of contemporary environmental politics in collective responses to particular issues,
- the differences, similarities and practical tensions between the environmental politics of the North and that of the South,
- the relationship of environmental politics to market economics and ecological modernization
- the environmental aspects of distributive justice concerns at the local, national and global institutional levels
- the roles, value and valuing of nature in green theory and institutional practice.
As a compilation, the book operates in a unique way. It serves on one side as a compilation volume of key papers thatprovides a snapshot of a whole variety of issues in the field, and is thus suitable for teaching purposes, especially at postgraduate level. In addition, each section is chronologically arranged, and so an evolution of related ideas is manifest in the selection, thus making the book an ideal "one stop" purchase for those seeking to understand the development of the field of environmental politics since the start of the 1990s, especially as it has been practiced in developed nations outside the American continent.

We in the U.S. have deserved someone like Donald Trump as our president for some time. Until now, by a string of luck, we had mostly centrist presidents, both Republican and Democratic, some with only a modicum of intelligence and humanity. With Donald Trump, however, we finally ran out of luck and he is our sitting president. Now, the spotlight is focused on him, but we easily forget that he is, after all, a product of his own society. Trump's rise to power owes itself to its own social-historical circumstances: For decades now America's Consumer Society had prepared the American voters, mostly White, to find someone like Trump as their leader, by supplying them with around-the-clock distractions that made them feel good, happy and falsely powerful. Trump's ascendancy could not be possible without our consumption of daily entertainment which makes us selfish, childish and idiotic human beings. Such minds are easily affected by anxiety, anger and vengefulness. In our daily sea of popular entertainment of mass circulation, we have become trash cans--Mental Trash Cans--that exist just to process trash that enters and leaves our minds almost at the same time. This wasted mind, America's most celebrated symbol of success that is created by its best and brightest, keeps us away from one another as we become privatized citizens and neighbors in our individual cocoons, lonely, scared, dumbed down, living and dying our solitary unconnected lives. Into this vacuum of intelligence and humanity, enter Donald Trump, the entertainer-billionaire, now the President, who, with his brand of populist Fascism, challenges the powers of entrenched Corporate America and all of its mind-captivating arsenal. He successfully conquered White Americans by separating them from non-whites, thus revealing America's nationalism and racism, hitherto papered over in its Liberal-Capital consumer paradise. The common Americans, whether White or non-white, possess two prized items that Corporate and Political America covets and wants to take from them, the dollar and the vote: The American Masses, now as garbage-fed children, are neither smart nor united enough to protect the two critical weapons of their democracy. Trump's presidency proves it.

This book presents for the first time the correspondence during the years 1954 to 1978 between the Marxist-Humanist and feminist philosopher Raya Dunayevskaya (1910-87) and two other noted thinkers, the Hegelian Marxist philosopher and social theorist Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979) and the psychologist and social critic Erich Fromm (1900-80), both of the latter members of the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory. In their introduction, editors Kevin B. Anderson and Russell Rockwell focus on the theoretical and political dialogues in these letters, which cover topics such as dialectical social theory, Marxist economics, socialist humanism, the structure and contradictions of modern capitalism, the history of Marxism and of the Frankfurt School, feminism and revolution, developments in the USSR, Cuba, and China, and emergence of the New Left of the 1960s. The editors' extensive explanatory notes offer helpful background information, definitions of theoretical concepts, and source references. Among the thinkers discussed in the correspondence -- some of them quite critically-- are Karl Marx, G. W. F.Hegel, Rosa Luxemburg, Georg Lukacs, Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, V. I. Lenin, Nikolai Bukharin, Sigmund Freud, Leon Trotsky, Mao Zedong, Daniel Bell, and Seymour Martin Lipset. As a whole, this volume shows the deeply Marxist and humanist concerns of these thinkers, each of whom had a lifelong concern with rethinking Marx and Hegel as the foundation for an analysis of capitalist modernity and its forces of opposition.

Sayyid Qutb is widely considered an ideologue of the radical Islamist movements in the present world. His writings and, in particular, his theory of jahiliyyah was viewed as a threat to the nationalistic regimes in the Muslim world from Egypt to Tashkent and is now viewed as a threat to the West and America. It is through the prism of jahiliyyah that the radical Islamist movements divide the world to Islamic and jahili camps.
Based on Qutb's own Arabic writings, The Political Thought of Sayyid Qutb explains with others of Qutb's ideas, the force and intent of the Jahiliyyah concept; explores its development until it became a mature confrontational theory. The issues addressed in this book include:
- Philosophical concepts such as sovereignty, servitude, innate, human intellect and the universe
- Modern ideologies including Nationalism, Capitalism, Socialism, Communism and Democracy
- The influence of Qutb's theory on Muslims, Jihad and State
The book sheds light on Islamic radicalism and its intellectual origins by presenting new analysis on the intellectual legacy of one of the most important thinkers of modern Islamic revival. The Political Thought of Sayyid Qutb is essential reading for those with interests in Islam, philosophy and radical Islam.""

The Power of Sovereignty explores the religio-political and philosophical concepts of Sayyid Qutb, one of the most influential political thinkers for contemporary Islamists and who has greatly influenced the likes of Osama Bin Laden. Executed by the Egyptian state in 1966, his books continue to be read and his theory of jahiliyya 'ignorance' is still of prime importance for radical Islamic groups.

Providing a detailed perspective of Sayyid Qutb's writings, this book examines:

• the relation between the specifics of the concept of hakimiyyah and that of jahiliyyah
• the force and intent of these two concepts
• how Qutb employs their specifics to critically assess the political establishments like nationalism and capitalism
• the influence of the two concepts on Egypt's radical Islamic movements, where many of al'Qa'ida's lieutenants, officers, ideologues and conspirators were fomented

Shedding light on Islamic radicalism and its intellectual origins The Power of Sovereignty presents new analysis on the intellectual legacy of one of the most important thinkers of modern Islamic revival.

Fifteen years after the fall of communism, we are able to appraise the results of the multi-faceted postcommunist transition in Central and Eastern Europe with authority. This volume specifically addresses the fascinating area of Civil-Military relations throughout this transitional period. The countries of the region inherited a onerous legacy in this area: their armed forces were part of the communist party-state system and most were oriented towards Cold War missions; they were large in size and supported by high levels of defence spending; and they were based on universal male conscription. Central and eastern European states have thus faced a three fold civil-military reform challenge: establishing democratic and civilian control over their armed forces; implementing organisational reform to meet the security and foreign policy demands of the new era; and redefining military bases for legitimacy in society. This volume assesses the experiences of Poland, Hungary, Latvia, Romania, Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro, Ukraine and Russia in these areas. Collectively these countries illustrate the way in which the interaction of broadly similar postcommunist challenges and distinct national contexts have combined to produce a wide variety of different patterns of civil-military relations. This book was previously published as a special issue of European Security.

The global pandemic has offered extraordinary opportunities for extremists and terrorists to mobilize themselves and revive as more powerful actors in the security landscape. But could these threat groups actually capitalize on the coronavirus crisis and advance their malevolent agendas? Utilizing the largest COVID-19-related terrorism database, the book presents an analysis built upon a quantitative and qualitative comparison between the nature of both the radical Islamist and the far-right-related threat in 2018 and 2020. It provides, for the first time, a true picture of novel trends since the pandemic outbreak.

First published in 1998, illuminating the principles and practices which impelled British Labour's international attitudes, this book focuses on relationships between social democratic and communist organisations in the troubled scene of Europe between the wars. Peace and disarmament were the first priorities, giving way to the fight against fascism after 1933; the Spanish Civil War was the watershed when disarmament ceased to be a tenable option. Against this background, contacts made with the Labour and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trades Unions are considered and the distinctive approaches of women and young people are discussed. The history of these formal organisations is balanced by an account of the wide-ranging contacts of the broad Labour Movement in fields such as sport, education, Esperanto, music and art. Its protagonists' belief in international socialism is seen to be a faith which survived fascism and war, and continued to give hope for the future. This book will be of interest to students of Labour history and politics, as well as international and European studies.

This book traces the expansion of Islamisation within a modern and plural state such as Malaysia. It elaborates on how elements of theology, sacred space, resources, and their interactivity with secular instruments such as legislative, electoral, and new social technological platforms are all instrumentally employed to consolidate a divine bureaucracy. The book makes the point that religious social movements and political parties are only few of the important agents of Islamisation in society. The other is the modern and secular state structure itself. Weber's legal rational bureaucracy or Hegel's ethical bureaucracy predominantly characterises a modern feature of governmentality. In this instance an Islamic bureaucracy is advantageously situated not only within an ambit of modernity and therefore legality, but divinity and therefore sacrality as well. This positioning gives religious state agents more salience than any other form of bureaucracy leading to their unquestioned authority in the current contexts of societies with Muslim majority rule. One of the requisites of this condition is the homogenisation of Islam followed by ring-fencing of its constituents. The latter can involve contestations with women, other genders, 'secular' Muslims, non-Muslims as well as dissenting Muslims with their differing truthful 'Islams'.

Theorising Noumenal Power is a critical engagement with Rainer Forst's theory of what he calls "noumenal power." Forst is the most significant younger generation critical theorist of the Frankfurt School, and his critics include several of the most influential contemporary political power theorists. The concept of noumenal power locates the sources of social and political power in the space of reasons or justifications - using a normatively neutral account of "justification." To exercise power, on that account, means to be able to determine, use, close or open up the space of justifications for others. Going back to Kant, the social subject is theorized as a reasoning being who confers legitimacy upon political structures based upon the cognitive faculty of justification. As argued by Max Weber, authority is the foundation of political institutions and authority presupposes a belief in legitimacy. On the one hand such beliefs can be distorted, as in ideology, or they can be based upon a process of reasoned justification relative to normatively desirable principles. Critiquing the former, while building upon the latter, serves as the foundation for theorising just democratic politic institutions. For Forst's critics, a key theme is how to differentiate ideological (bad) justification, typically based upon emotion, from normatively right democratic reasoning. Other important themes are the analysis of structural domination or the use of threats or other means of exercising power. The debate in this volume constitutes an exciting new way of re-thinking the foundations of ideology, political power, democracy and justice. Providing a state-of-the-art discussion concerning the relationship between political power and justification Theorising Noumenal Power is essential for students and scholars interested in the theoretical foundations of political power, democracy and justice. The chapters were originally published in the Journal of Political Power.

This book provides an overview of the evolution of political Islam in South-east Asia. It analyses the sources of religious radicalism and assesses the regional terrorist and radical networks. It describes how secular democratic institutions can be strengthened, and how moderate and tolerant tendencies can be promoted.

This book offers new insights into the mechanisms of state control, systematic repression and mass violence focused on ethnic, political, class, and religious minorities in the recent past. The geographical and temporal scope of the volume breaks new ground as international scholars foreground how contemporary archaeology can be used to enhance the documentation and interpretation of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, to advance theoretical approaches to atrocities, and to broaden public understandings of how such regimes use violence and repression to hold on to power.

A radical new interpretation of the political and intellectual history of Puritan Massachusetts, The Making of an American Thinking Class envisions the Bay colony as a seventeenth century one-party state, where congregations served as ideological 'cells' and authority was restricted to an educated elite of ministers and magistrates. From there Staloff offers a broadened conception of the interstices of political, social, and intellectual authority in Puritan Massachusetts and beyond, arguing that ideologies, as well as ideological politics, are produced by self-conscious, and often class-conscious, thinkers.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, a number of linkages have been established between newly independent Central Asian states, or populations within them, and diaspora ethnic groups. This book explores the roles that diaspora communities play in the recent and ongoing emergence of national identities in Central Asia and the Caucasus.
The loyalties of these communities are divided between their countries of residence and those states that serve as homeland of their particular ethno-cultural nation, and are further complicated by connections with contested transnational notions of common cultures and 'peoples'. Written by highly respected experts in the field, the book addresses issues such as nationalism, conflict, population movement, global civil society, Muslim communities in China and relations between the new nation-states and Russia.
This innovative book will interest students and researchers of transnationalism and Central Asian studies.

Political Islam, to be distinguished from Islam as a culture or a religion, and from Islamic Fundamentalism, is an increasingly important feature of the western political scene. The ideologies of Political Islam reflect the fact that some of their adherents live and work within a Western socio-political context. With a range of outstanding contributors that includes academics and human rights advocates this book tackles the diversity of Islamist thinking and practice in various Western countries and explores their transnational connections in both East and West. The book analyses developments in Islamist thinking and activities, and their connections to the latest global political and economic trends, and discusses future evolutions of the ideology and its manifestations.