The Lebanese state is structured through religious freedom and secular power sharing across sectarian groups. Every sect has specific laws that govern kinship matters like marriage or inheritance. Together with criminal and civil laws, these laws regulate and produce political difference. But whether women or men, Muslims or Christians, queer or straight, all people in Lebanon have one thing in common—they are biopolitical subjects forged through bureaucratic, ideological, and legal techniques of the state. With this book, Maya Mikdashi offers a new way to understand state power, theorizing how sex, sexuality, and sect shape and are shaped by law, secularism, and sovereignty. Drawing on court archives, public records, and ethnography of the Court of Cassation, the highest civil court in Lebanon, Mikdashi shows how political difference is entangled with religious, secular, and sexual difference. She presents state power as inevitably contingent, like the practices of everyday life it engenders, focusing on the regulation of religious conversion, the curation of legal archives, state and parastatal violence, and secular activism. Sextarianism locates state power in the experiences, transitions, uprisings, and violence that people in the Middle East continue to live.

This book chronicles the struggle among non-Communist leftists and liberals over American relations with the Soviet Union from 1939 through the 1950s. Few now care as passionately and as violently as people did then about Soviet-American relations. It was a time when friends became enemies, and others forged strange alliances, all in the name of commitments that today seem remote. A Better World evokes those times and their choices, and explains why these long-ago battles still arouse such deep feelings today - and should.Americans who were pro-Soviet without being members of the Communist party - 'progressives' as they called themselves - had a large emotional investment in the Soviet Union. From 1935 to 1939 literally millions joined the 'Popular Front' of pro-Soviet organizations. O'Neill takes us through the shock of the Stalin-Hitler pact of 1939, through the revival of the Popular Front spurred by government and business support after Russia entered the war against Hitler. He traces the isolation of the anti-Stalinists, the rise and fall of Henry Wallace, and the eclipse of progressivism. And he explores the shifting allegiances of intellectuals as they struggled, often with each other, to influence the course of public debate, with long-lasting consequences for American intellect, culture, and morals.As O'Neill observes in his introduction, 'More than any of my other books A Better World inspired correspondents to send me probing or reflective letters.' It was this response, along with the extraordinary critical debate spurred by initial publication of this volume, that makes the book's continuing importance clear. The dream of achieving a better world through radical violence never dies, and the willingness of apologists to cling to utopian visions persists. As long as it does, the lessons of this book need to be available to us.

Arab nationalism and Islamism have been the two most potent ideological forces in the Arab region across the twentieth century. Over the last two decades, however, an accommodation of sorts has been developing between liberals, socialists and Islamists, to protest unpopular foreign and domestic policies, such as those aimed at cooperation with Israel or the war in Iraq. By examining the writings of Arab nationalist, socialist and Islamist intellectuals, and through numerous interviews with political participants from different persuasions, Michaelle Browers traces these developments from the 'Arab age of ideology', as it has been called, through an 'age of ideological transformation', demonstrating clearly how the recent flow of ideas from one group to another have their roots in the past. Political Ideology in the Arab World assesses the impact of ideological changes on Egypt's Kifaya! [Enough!] movement and Yemen's joint meeting parties.

Corporatism is the third great ideolgy of modern social and political organization and it is one of the main organizing concepts used in comparative political analysis. This study traces corporatism in history, analyzes its modern practice and shows the rise of corporatism in the US.

This volume of especially commissioned essays explores the geography of, and the role of geography in, national and proto-national identity.
Place and national identity are bound together. Attachment to the one is almost always inseparable from the sense of the other. Yet, as this volume shows, the articulated self-conscious linking of place and identity is by and large a modern phenomenon that took root in nineteenth-century Europe. The formation of supranational states and the much vaunted globalization of culture led many to believe there would be a progressive dilution of national identities and a growing agglomeration of places and nations into larger state units. Precisely the reverse has taken place.
This book explores the connections between identity and homeland, showing how a place may be perceived as archetypal, endowed with love and celebrated in music and poetry, yet be a pretext for violence and war. It examines the evolution of ideas about identity and their manifestations in a wide variety of settings, from the former Soviet Union to the island states of the South Pacific.

Corporatism is the third great ideolgy of modern social and political organization and it is one of the main organizing concepts used in comparative political analysis. This study traces corporatism in history, analyzes its modern practice and shows the rise of corporatism in the US.

Ideology studies have undergone significant growth over the past couple of decades. The scope of the discipline has been extensively broadened to include not only text and discourse but emotions, imagination, fantasy, rhetoric and visual forms. Its attention to detail and to the micro-manifestations of ideology in the everyday have borne considerable fruit, particularly at a time of ideological fragmentation and reassembly. Its research methods have been refined, embracing both conceptual innovation and empirical evidence drawn from many fields of social creativity. During that period, the Journal of Political Ideologies has been a major vehicle of the discipline's advance and coming of age. The chapters in this book originally published as two special issues in the Journal. The book assembles and investigates some of the latest approaches and domains in which cutting-edge ideology-research is now under way. The multiple topics, sources and interdisciplinary perspectives it contains illustrate the variety and depth that ideology studies have attained. Its subjects range from historical and literary analyses, through feminist studies, and psycho-social interpretations. It takes in the new means of dissemination that the digital age has introduced, and offers fresh assessments of the many cross-fertilizations possible between ideology research, political theory, and international studies, as traditional ideologies vie with new ideological articulations and forms.

A probing study of the interactions between ideological trends and economic reform. The book explores an important but frequently neglected issue: the transformation from the orthodox anti-market doctrine into a more elastic and pro-business one, and from Mao's radical, totalitarian approach to Deng's gradualist, developmental, authoritarian approach.

More than any other topic in social science, the study of social movements provides an opportunity to combine social theory with political action. Such study is a key to understanding the motivations, successes, and failures of thousands who aspire to high ideals of justice, but who sometimes aid in perpetuating inhumane political acts and systems. Building upon the past twenty years' developments in theory and research, "Social Movements "combines original theoretical and methodological approaches with penetrating analyses of contemporary movements from the sixties to the present.

Anthony Oberschall argues that social movements are central to contemporary politics in both Western and Third World nations. They are not quaint stepchildren to public policy and social change that disappear as nations modernize. Collective action by the citizenry, spilling beyond the boundaries of routine politics is an integral part of the process of creative destruction that Joseph Schumpeter ascribed to modern capitalism and all dynamic, modern societies.

Among the subjects that OberschaU examines in "Social Movements "are the Civil Rights movement, decline of the New Left, the feminist movement, the New Christian Right, the tobacco control movement, collective violence in U.S. industrial relations, and some comparative historical movements, including the Cultural Revolution in China, the abortive 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, political strife in postcolonial Africa, and the sixteenth-century European witch craze.

In looking beyond the immediate political circumstances of these social movements, Oberschall points the way to achieving the next major task of social movement theory: a more satisfactory understanding of the dynamics and course of social movements and counter movements and a method of accounting for the outcomes of public controversies. Free of jargon and technical terminology, "Social Movements "is written for sociologists, political scientists, historians, professionals dealing with conflict and resolution, students and the lay public interested in public affairs.

Contents:
Introduction: The New Italian Republic I Context 1. Explaining Italy's Crisis 2. Electoral Reform and Political Change in Italy 1991-94 II The Old Party System 1. Political Catholicism and the Strange Death of the Christian Democrats 2. Italian Communism in the First Republic 3. The Rise and fall of Craxi's Socialist Party 4. The Fate of the Secular Centre: The Liberals, Republicans and the Social Democrats III The "New Parties" 7. The Northern League from Regional Party to Party of Government 8. Forza Italia: The New Politics and Old Values of a Changing Italy 9. towards a Modern Right: Alleanza Nazionale and the "Italian Revolution" 10. The Great Failure? The PDs in Italy's Transition 11. The "Left Oppossition" and the crisis: Rifondazione Comunista and La Rete IV Politics and Society 12. A Legal Revolution? The Judges and the Tagentopoli 13. The Mass media and the Political Crisis 14. The System of Corrupt Exchange in Local Government 15. The Resistable Rise of the New Neopolitan Camorra 16. The Changing Mezzogiorno: Between Representations and Reality V Economic Aspects of the Crisis 17. The Economic Elites and the Political System 18. Excesses anf Limits of the Public Sector in the Italian Economy 19. Industrial Relations and the Labour Movement VI Conclusion 20 Italian Political Reform in Comparative Perspective

Recent Italian political life has been transformed by the demise of the Italian Communist Party, the growth of the federalist Northern Leagues and the collapse of the Christian Democrats, the Socialists and their government allies in the wake of the Tangentopoli (Kickback City) scandals. This study charts the breakdown of the old party system and examines the changed political climate that allowed Silvio Berlusconi and his allies to emerge as the political masters of Italy. The sections of the book are organized in such a way as to combine up to date information with reflection on longer term trends and problems. This book should be of interest to both students and scholars of west European politics, comparative politics and Italian studies as well as the general reader who wishes to make sense of the contemporary Italian political landscape.

Ernst Bloch is perhaps best known for his subtle and imaginative investigation of utopias and utopianism, but his work also provides a comprehensive and insightful analysis of western culture, politics and society. Yet, because he has not been one of easiest of writers to read his full contribution has not been widely acknowledged. Block developed a complex conceptual framework, and presented this in a prose style which many have found to verge on the impenetrable.
In this critical and accessible introduction to one of the most fascinating thinkers of the twentieth century, Vincent Geoghegan unravels much of the mystery of the man and his ideas.

Eisenstein tracks developments such as racialized ethnic and gender conflict; the new male democracies of eastern Europe; the new Democrats of the Clinton era - exploring the `politics of hate.'

In the 21st century, China has become impossible to ignore. At the same time, a vast array of perceptions and judgments of China's actions and future have arisen. The confusion, Leah Zhu postulates, is explained by decades of traditional modus operandi, which began in the Maoist Era and misconceives China as a 'collectivist' culture. This book, however, seeks to re-explore thousands of years of China's history to demonstrate the country's adherence to an alternative principle, 'relationalism'. Tracing the pervasive power of 'relationalism' before and after Maoism, it examines the major aspects of Chinese culture, including politics, sociology, psychology and diplomacy. In doing so, it reveals the power of 'relationalism' as the core frame of reference behind contemporary Chinese beliefs and practices. Furthermore, armed with this newly established framework, this book ultimately provides a helpful analysis of China's past political, economic, and judiciary reforms and of how they are faring under the control of the current regime. Featuring extensive evidence and analysis of Chinese culture from ancient rites through to the 21st century, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Chinese culture, politics and society. It will also appeal to social scientists and sociologists more broadly.

The Ethics of a Potential Urbanism explores the possible and potential relevance of Giorgio Agamben's political thoughts and writings for the theory and the practice of architecture and urban design. It sketches out the potentiality of Agamben's politics, which can affect change in current architectural and design discourses. The book investigates the possibility of an inoperative architecture, as an ethical shift for a different practice, just a little bit different, but able to deactivate the sociospatial dispositive and mobilize a new theory and a new project for the urban now to come. This particular reading from Agamben's oeuvre suggests a destituent mode of both thinking and practicing of architecture and urbanism that could possibly redeem them from their social emptiness, cultural irrelevance, economic reductionism and proto-avant-garde extravagance, contributing to a renewed critical 'encounter' with architecture's aesthetic-political function.

As a field of rich theoretical development and practical application, political communication has expanded over the past fifty years. Since its development shaped by the turmoil of the World Wars and suspicion of new technologies such as film and radio, the discipline has become a hybrid field largely devoted to connecting the dots between political rhetoric, politicians and leaders, voters' opinions, and media exposure to better understand how any one aspect can affects the others. The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication provides contexts for viewing the field of political communication, examines political discourse, media, and considers political communication's evolution inside the altered political communication landscape. Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson bring together some of the most groundbreaking scholars in the field to reflect upon their areas of expertise to address the importance of their areas of study to the field, the major findings to date, including areas of scholarly disagreement, on the topics, the authors' perspectives, and unanswered questions for future research to address. Their answers reveal that political communication is a hybrid with complex ancestry, permeable boundaries and interests that overlap with those of related fields such as political sociology, public opinion, rhetoric, neuroscience and the new hybrid on the quad, media psychology. This comprehensive review of the political communication literature is designed to become the first reference for scholars and students interested in the study of how, why, when, and with what effect humans make sense of symbolic exchanges about sharing and shared power. The sixty-two chapters in The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication contain an overview of past scholarship while providing critical reflection of its relevance in a changing media landscape and offering agendas for future research and innovation.

This title was first published in 2000: An original explanation for the importance South Africans attachment to ethnic and racial group categories in everyday speech and practice. The answers emerge by presenting a history of dominant and resistance discourses as they relate to collective identity - a move which breaks with prevailing approaches to South African political history, problematises ethnic group categories and offers new ways of seeing old debates.

This title was first published in 2003. Mexico's presidential election in 2000 marked the end of 71 years of one-party rule, after a slow process of emergence of democratic institutions and viable second-party candidates. Yet the process of democratization has been uneven, proceeding much more rapidly in some regions than in others. This book examines whether diffusion processes have been at work or whether broader national processes of change have unfolded across an uneven socio-economic map. Using new methods of spatial econometrics, it explores how multi-party politics have emerged in a single country, testing both spatial diffusion and political development theories. Mexico makes an interesting study - with its contrasting borders, different kinds of geography, and levels of industrialisation and development, it involves a wide range of variables as well as socio-economic aspects of the population that display sharp regional differentiation.

This analysis of every facet of a national identity makes it less likely that the next great explosion in the Commmunist world - and its consequences - will come as a surprise. It investigates tendencies in China that might lead it down the same path as Russia and Yugoslavia.

Doctrines of Development sets out a critique of the idea and practice of development by exploring the history of development theory and action from the early nineteenth to the late twentieth century, from Britain to Quebec and Kenya.

"Doctrines of Development" examines the history of the idea of development and of the doctrines which governments have used to practice development policy. Beginning with the 19th century "invention" of modern development, the authors discuss Marx's early critique of development doctrine and the creation of the idea of underdevelopment.
Extended 20th century case histories from Australia, Canada and Kenya explain why and how development doctrine accompanied the early growth of capitalism. Shorter case studies of India, Latin America and Austria are used to examine how development theory has been part of the history of development doctrine. The authors pursue the analysis to critique the contemporary and increasingly pervasive theories of "alternative" development.
"Doctrines of Development" argues that trusteeship, the intent of one to act on the behalf of another, is the prime force behind all development doctrine and claims that despite a "new orthodoxy," little has changed since the original doctrine of development of early industrial capitalism.

Christian democracy has been one of the most successful political movements in post-war Western Europe yet its crucial impact on the development of the modern European welfare state has been neglected. In this study, Kees van Kersbergen demonstrates the precise nature of the links between Christian democracy and the welfare state. Using a variety of sources the author describes the origin and development of the Christian Democratic movement and presents comparative accounts of the varying degrees of political entrenchment of national Christian Democratic parties. Drawing upon cross-national indicators of welfare state development he identifies and explains the existence of a distinctively Christian Democratic (as opposed to a liberal or social democratic) welfare-state regime which he labels "social capitalism".

Factional Politics and Democratization addresses the nature of factionalism in parties that are created or rebuilt after a period of dictatorship. It maintains that, while party leaders often view factions in negative terms as divisive, factional behaviour can be constructive and can contribute to the building of political parties as viable electoral organizations. Factionalism as a process involves fusion as well as fission. The volume brings together detailed case studies from post-authoritarian Spain, Greece and Portugal, from Turkey (where factionalism has hampered democratization) and from the post-communist states of Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Czech Republic. Several chapters provide comparative analysis which goes beyond a particular party or national experience. Together with introductory and concluding chapters, this combination of case studies and comparative analysis provides pointers to what is generalizable and what is specific to particular cases. Equally, the book offers a framework within which further studies of party factionalism in the context of democratization may be undertaken.

Democratic government is facing unprecedented challenges at a global scale. Yet, Turkey's descent into conflict, crisis and autocracy is exceptional. Only a few years ago, the country was praised as a successful Muslim-majority democracy and a promising example of sustainable growth. In Turkey's Exit from Democracy, the contributors argue that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party government have now effectively abandoned the realm of democratic politics by attempting regime change with the aim to install a hyper-presidentialist system. Examining how this power grab comes at the tail end of more than a decade of seemingly democratic politics, the contributors also explore the mechanisms of de-democratization through two distinctive, but interrelated angles: A set of comparative analyses explores illiberal forms of governance in Turkey, Russia, Southeast Europe and Latin America. In-depth studies analyse how Turkey's society has been reshaped in the image of a patriarchal habitus and how consent has been fabricated through religious, educational, ethnic and civil society policies. Despite this comprehensive authoritarian shift, the result is not authoritarian consolidation, but a deeply divided and contested polity. Analysing an early example of democratic decline and authoritarian politics, this volume is relevant well beyond the confines of regional studies. Turkey exemplifies the larger forces of de-democratization at play globally. Turkey's Exit from Democracy provides the reader with generalizable insights into these transformative processes. These chapters were originally published as a special issue in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.