This title was first published in 2000: A fresh and original study of EU and NATO enlargement, which sets both in a comparative context and considers them against a backdrop of the evolution of a pan-European security community. The book is divided into two parts. In part one the authors examine and discuss the EU and NATO enlargement processes and the 'incremental linkage' which has developed between them. The major issues and challenges facing the two institutions as they ponder the next steps in enlargement are also assessed. Part two includes separate chapters on the post-Cold War evolution of the EU and NATO overall. These discussions focus on their strengths and limitations in contributing to the broader and more co-operative kind of European security which the end of the Cold War makes possible. The final chapters examine a number of possible scenarios under which the EU and NATO either succeed or fail in contributing significantly to the development of a new European security order. The potential consequences for both the institutions themselves and for European security generally will be explored and assessed.

Judith Butler's new book shows how an ethic of nonviolence must be connected to a broader political struggle for social equality. Further, it argues that nonviolence is often misunderstood as a passive practice that emanates from a calm region of the soul, or as an individualist ethical relation to existing forms of power. But, in fact, nonviolence is an ethical position found in the midst of the political field. An aggressive form of nonviolence accepts that hostility is part of our psychic constitution, but values ambivalence as a way of checking the conversion of aggression into violence. One contemporary challenge to a politics of nonviolence points out that there is a difference of opinion on what counts as violence and nonviolence. The distinction between them can be mobilised in the service of ratifying the state's monopoly on violence. Considering nonviolence as an ethical problem within a political philosophy requires a critique of individualism as well as an understanding of the psychosocial dimensions of violence. Butler draws upon Foucault, Fanon, Freud, and Benjamin to consider how the interdiction against violence fails to include lives regarded as ungrievable. By considering how 'racial phantasms' inform justifications of state and administrative violence, Butler tracks how violence is often attributed to those who are most severely exposed to its lethal effects. The struggle for nonviolence is found in movements for social transformation that reframe the grievability of lives in light of social equality and whose ethical claims follow from an insight into the interdependency of life as the basis of social and political equality.

Three-quarters of Americans believe that a group of unelected government and military officials secretly manipulate or direct policy in the United States, and President Trump blames the "deep state" for his impeachment. David Rohde explores the "deep state" and asks whether it really exists. To conservatives, the "deep state" is a government bureaucracy that encroaches on the rights of Americans. Liberals fear a cabal of generals and defence contractors who they believe push the country into wars. Modern American presidents have engaged in power struggles with Congress, the CIA and the FBI. CIA and FBI directors suspect White House aides and members of Congress of leaking secrets. Citizens increasingly distrust the politicians, unelected officials and journalists who they believe set the country's political agenda. Now, in this time of heightened uncertainty, American democracy faces its biggest crisis of legitimacy in a half century. In Deep examines the CIA and FBI scandals of the past fifty years. It then investigates the claims and counterclaims of the Trump era. While Donald Trump says he is the victim of the "deep state", Democrats accuse the president and his allies of running a de facto "deep state" of their own. Now more urgently than ever, the debate over the "deep state" raises questions about the future of American democracy.

Ballot box voting is often considered the essence of political freedom. But, it has two major shortcomings: individual voters have little chance of making a difference, and they also face strong incentives to remain ignorant about the issues at stake. "Voting with your feet," however, avoids both of these pitfalls and offers a wider range of choices. In Free to Move, Ilya Somin explains how broadening opportunities for foot voting can greatly enhance political liberty for millions of people around the world. People can vote with their feet by making decisions about whether to immigrate, where to live within a federal system, and what to purchase or support in the private sector. These three areas are rarely considered together, but Somin explains how they have major common virtues and can be mutually reinforcing. He contends that all forms of foot voting should be expanded and shows how both domestic constitutions and international law can be structured to increase opportunities for foot voting while mitigating possible downsides. Somin addresses a variety of common objections to expanded migration rights, including claims that the "self-determination" of natives requires giving them the power to exclude migrants, and arguments that migration is likely to have harmful side effects, such as undermining political institutions, overburdening the welfare state, increasing crime and terrorism, and spreading undesirable cultural values. While these objections are usually directed at international migration, Somin shows how a consistent commitment to such theories would also justify severe restrictions on domestic freedom of movement. That implication is an additional reason to be skeptical of these rationales for exclusion. By making a systematic case for a more open world, Free to Move challenges conventional wisdom on both the left and the right.

South Yemen was long a key spot in the strategic geography of the West. Before the Second World War, it was important for the British as an outpost on the way to India. From the mid-1940s it was a crucial gateway to the oil rich Arabian Peninsular and a vital area in the context of superpower rivalry. This book, first published in 1984, traces the development of nationalist sentiment in South Yemen and the emergence of the two main groups in the struggle for independence: the NLF and FLOSY. Analysing both the impact of these groups on Yemeni society and demonstrating how they struggled with each other for supremacy, the book provides an perceptive account of how the revolutionary process in an Arab country unfolded.

Reflecting on a career that spanned twenty-five years and four continents, Special Agent I.C. Smith gives you the inside story of the Bureau's greatest takedowns and biggest screw-ups. This intrepid G-man has seen it all.

From China to the South Pacific, from East Berlin to Arkansas, I.C. Smith is one of the FBI's most storied figures.

In this riveting new book about the Bureau, Smith brings a fresh, insider's perspective on the FBI's most well known triumphs and failures of the past three decades. Robert Hannsen. Morris and Eva childs. Larry Wu-Tai Chin. Aldrich Ames. Smith offers unique insights into how these monumental investigations were handled, or often mishandled, in alarming detail. He also confronts head-on the string of errors inside the FBI―in management and in the field―that directly led to the attacks of September 11th.

Filled with startling new information, including more than seventy never-before-published findings, Smith tracks his incredible rise from street agent in St. Louis to special agent in charge of Arkansas―where he took on the corrupt political system that produced President Bill Clinton.

Published to coincide with the 200th anniversary of France's "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen," this book looks in depth at the use of torture during the French-Algerian War (1954-1962) to reveal the failure of that liberal democratic state to uphold its obligations on rights. Rita Maran examines the Mission Civilisatrice ideology that justified the routine use of torture during that war and points out that human rights violations traceable to ideology occur irrespective of a state's political system or tradition of rights. The book contrasts the routinization of torture with the contemporaneous global development of norms to assure human rights and abolish torture. Maran concludes that reliance on a state's avowedly benevolent traditions of rights is not necessarily sufficient to protect individuals against state-directed violence, and that international law on human rights can provide significant protection.

The book begins with a brief history of torture in France up to the French-Algerian War. Torture, international human rights law, and civilizing mission ideology are then described and defined. The major portion of the book is devoted to interpretation of the discourse of exemplary people from three sectors of French society--government, the military, and the intellectuals--to demonstrate that reliance on the civilizing mission ideology rationalized the use of torture. Torture is a source of valuable and stimulating ideas for political scientists, historians, lawyers, social psychologists, journalists, ethicists, scholars of colonialism and colonial discourse, and all concerned with human rights as part of international discourse.

"The simple truth is that we've lost control of our own borders, and no nation can do that and survive." ―Ronald Reagan

America is under siege, facing a hostile invasion on its own soil that most of its citizens know nothing about: the invaders are illegal immigrants, their battleground is the U.S-Mexico border, and what's at stake is the money, security, and freedom of all Americans.

In this chilling expose, investigative journalist Jon Dougherty contends that today's unchecked immigration is destroying the very fabric of our culture and endangering American lives. With alarming new evidence, Dougherty argues that illegal immigrants are brazenly turning America's welcome mat into a doormat and our reckless policies and lackluster restrictions are allowing criminals, drug lords, and even terrorists to take advangtage of our freedoms. "If 9/11 can't get us to secure our borders," says Dougherty, "nothing will "

Featuring compelling real-life accounts from the people who engage in the battle on the border every day―Border Patrol agents, local residents, and citizen-enforcement groups―this book shows definitively how illegal immigration costs taxpayers greatly and threatens the lives of all Americans, native-born and otherwise. It also proves once and for all that our government is doing nothing to stop this ever-growing crisis.

This is the untold, unnerving story of life on the U.S.-Mexico border―how illegal immigration is quicklly making us all strangers in our own country.

This book explores the state of European foreign conflict reporting by public-sector broadcasters, post-Cold war and post-9/11. It compares the values of three television news providers from differing public systems: BBC's News at 10, Russia's Vremya and France 2's 20 Heures. The book examines how these three news providers have reported and broadcast the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which pre-dates both the change in East-West relations and the events of 9/11. In doing so, the work identifies and analyses the role of public and state-aligned broadcasters and illustrates how certain news values are consistently prioritised by the broadcasters and the effect this has on how news stories are portrayed. The book is divided into two parts. Part I focuses on 2006 to 2008 and provides a detailed quantitative overview of the broadcasters' news values. Part II provides an update of the analysis by examining coverage of the war in Gaza 2014 and discusses the findings from audience research into perceptions of this latter war. This book explains that not only do hierarchies in news values exist in foreign conflict reporting but that they are never arbitrary and can be explained, in part, by the structure of the broadcasters and by events occurring within, or associated with, the reporting country, resulting in nationally differentiated perceptions of conflict throughout the world. This book will be of much interest to students of media studies, war and conflict studies, Middle East politics and international relations in general.

This thought-provoking reference work explores the evolution of America's heated abortion debate in a selection of over 40 primary documents from the 19th century to the present day. The guide includes not only key laws and court cases that have determined abortion policy, but also political speeches, medical essays, theological writings, newspaper advertisements, magazine articles, and popular books that offer insight into America's changing attitudes towards women, race, the medical field, and the role of government in its citizens' personal lives. Each document is preceded by an introduction and is followed by analysis to help readers understand its significance and historical context. Today abortion is America's most contentious political and religious rallying point. Yet 150 years ago it was a virtual non-issue, quietly performed for centuries by women and mid-wives. What changed? This thought-provoking reference work explores the evolution of America's abortion debate in a balanced selection of over 40 primary documents by doctors, feminists, religious leaders, politicians, extremists, and judges from the 19th century to the present day. This guide not only examines the key laws and court cases, like Roe v. Wade and the Partial Birth Abortion Ban, that have determined abortion policy, but offers insight into America's changing attitudes towards women, race, the medical field, and the role of government in its citizens' personal lives. Memoirs of early abortion providers, excerpts from popular women's self-help books, the complete text of Pope Paul VI's Humanae Vitae, and personal writings from key liberal and conservative figures on both sides of the debate provide a more complete picture of an issue that is deeply personal, deeply divisive, and anything but clear-cut. A straightforward and accessible book, ideal for both students and general readers looking to expand their understanding of one of the most complicated, and still unresolved, issues of our day. Each excerpt is preceded by a brief explanation of its significance and followed by author analysis to help readers understand its implications and the historical context in which is it was written. Readers gain direct access to America's most important legal papers and transcripts on abortion, complimented by a well rounded view of the public beliefs and sentiments that have fueled abortion debates. Suggestions for further reading conclude each chapter, perfect for research or to guide interested readers in their search for material. The front matter includes a Timeline of major events in abortion history, and the back matter, offers a Bibliography of 50 titles on abortion and over 30 Web links. Documents are presented in easy-to-use chronological order, divided into 7 chapters exploring the various eras of the abortion debate. Chapter 1: (19th century) The state's minimal role in abortions, the nascent women's movement, and a medical movement to restrict abortion provision. Chapter 2: (1905 - 1960) America's strictest era of abortion policy. The ideology of motherhood vs. post-suffrage women's desire to control their fertility. Chapter 3: (1965-1971). Voices for decreased abortion restrictions and tragic consequences of illegal abortions. Chapter 4: (1973 - 983) Results of and immediate academic responses to the movement to liberalize abortion policy. Chapter 5: (1984 -1989) The growing role of political parties in abortion politics. Chapter 6: (1991-1996) The movement to protect the fetus. Chapter 7: (2001-2005) Impact of the fetal rights movement and successes in restricting abortion access.

Fourth in the annual series, this volume reviews the transformative changes which have emerged in the armed conflicts in South Asia in 2010, several of these with long and convoluted histories, including the conflicts in Jammu & Kashmir, northeast India and the Naxalite movement in central India; as also issues of autonomy in Balochistan, the FATA region in Pakistan, the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, and the Terai foothills in Nepal. The book examines whether armed conflicts have transformed since their inception; or only metamorphosed into the sullen acceptance that could usher future violence. While conflicts in South Asia have been interspersed with peace efforts, the book looks at the complex trajectories that such attempts have taken. Specifically, it identifies three regions where most significant transformative trends were witnessed in South Asia in 2010: conflict-ridden Sri Lanka, Af-Pak and the Naxalite regions of India.

Current territorial disputes between the Northeast Asian countries have stimulated a resurgence of bellicose nationalism, and threaten to upset recent efforts to achieve regional cooperation and economic integration in East Asia. Alongside this, debates over pre-1945 Japanese wartime atrocities, aggravated by still unresolved territorial disputes between Japan and its neighbours have triggered diplomatic conflicts in Japanese-South Korean relations, virulent anti-Japanese protests in China, and a dramatic increase of right-wing nationalism in Japan. Many have perceived these phenomena as inevitable corollaries, inasmuch as they regard the Northeast Asian countries as historically homogeneous and nationalistic states, and have begun to question the feasibility of the post-Cold War efforts to replace nationalism with a moderate version of civic solidarity. This book contributes to the debates surrounding patriotism and nationalism in Northeast Asia, and investigates the feasibility of non-ethnocentric patriotism in countries across the region. In doing so, it highlights the differences between Asian and Western concepts of republican patriotism via theoretical discussions of the evolving discourses on nationalism, patriotism, democracy and civic solidarity. The chapters combine theoretical discussion with historical case studies such as modern state building in late Qing Dynasty; nineteenth century Japanese political thought; and the twentieth century Korean independence movement. In turn, the contributors explore the possibilities for republican patriotism in contemporary Northeast Asia, with a focus on the Chinese term minzu, and the possibilities it holds for an alternative configuration of national identity in the age of globalization; Maruyama Masao's theories of nationalism in Japan; the National Security Law in South Korea, and the impact it has had on the country's political culture; and the Taiwanese movement for self-governance. Patriotism in East Asia will appeal to students and scholars of Asian politics, political theory, Asian history and peace studies, as well as to those interested in issues of nationalism.

This volume, first published in 1975, is concerned with the politics of race relations; it is divided into theoretical, empirical and methodological studies together with an extensive bibliography. A key theme in this volume is to show how the study of race relations can advance beyond traditional micro-level analysis. In the opening paper Axford and Brier, concerned about the neglect of macro-level analysis, stress the need for conceptual frameworks which would help us to understand the place of racial conflict in the British political system. They suggest that elite political groups, otherwise in conflict, have by tacit consensus eliminated race from the national political agenda.

Prayer is an important religious practice that is rarely studied from the perspective of politics - and yet it should be. Though some forms of Protestantism teach that prayer should be individual and private, this is an exception rather than a rule. In many other religions and cultures, the regulation of collective and public prayer cannot be separated from the complex world of politics. Where is prayer allowed, and where not? Who can participate, and who can't? How should you pray - and how shouldn't you? Prayer is subject to a host of both written and unwritten political rules. From the Pentecostal religious battle - where prayer is both sword and shield against the Satanic Other - to the relations between Islam and Christianity, prayer as spiritual warfare can be found cross-culturally and across the world. This book brings together case studies of the political salience of prayer in Nigeria, France, India, Russia, and the United States. It deals with Christian, Muslim, and Hindu practices. In a world where religious tensions are ever-present, it reminds us of the intensely political nature of prayer. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Religious and Political Practice.

In this book, Guenter Lewy explains and critiques the idea of false consciousness - that people living under capitalism do not know their best interests. This idea was prevalent in the writings of nineteenth century Marxism, modern communism, and the New Left. Lewy applies what German scholars call Ideologiekritik to the Marxian concept of ideology or false consciousness itself, to demystify the concept of mystification. He also presents an account of the historical development of the concept, and the dangers of its application in society. Belief in false consciousness inspired many social scientists to propose that elite classes in capitalist countries use the media and the education system to manipulate the proletariat, thus perpetuating their own power. Lewy marshals social scientific evidence to refute that idea, demonstrating that education and the mass media in the United States in fact often challenge accepted values and the status quo. Lewy documents Soviet and Chinese brainwashing efforts to eradicate dangerous political ideas and values derived from a belief in false consciousness. He also reviews attempts by Marxist and neo-Marxist educators and social scientists in the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) to free young people from false consciousness by means of emancipatory pedagogy--a program of intense political indoctrination.

In spite of Edward Snowden's disclosures about government abuses of dragnet communication surveillance, the surveillance industry continues to expand around the world. Many people have become resigned to a world where they cannot have a reasonable expectation of privacy. The author looks at what can be done to rein in these powers and restructure how they are used beyond the limited and often ineffective reforms that have been attempted. Using southern Africa as a backdrop, and its liberation history, Jane Duncan examines what an anti-capitalist perspective on intelligence and security powers could look like. Are the police and intelligence agencies even needed, and if so, what should they do and why? What lessons can be learnt from how security was organised during the struggles for liberation in the region? Southern Africa is seeing thousands of people in the region taking to the streets in protests. In response, governments are scrambling to acquire surveillance technologies to monitor these new protest movements. Southern Africa faces no major terrorism threats at the moment, which should make it easier to develop clearer anti-surveillance campaigns than in Europe or the US. Yet, because of tactical and strategic ambivalence about security powers, movements often engage in limited calls for intelligence and policing reforms, and fail to provide an alternative vision for policing and intelligence. Surveillance and Intelligence in Southern Africa examines what that vision could look like.

Rainer Forst's Toleration in Conflict (published in English 2013) is the most important historical and philosophical analysis of toleration of the past several decades. Reconstructing the entire history of the concept, it provides a forceful account of the tensions and dilemmas that pervade the discourse of toleration. In his lead essay for this volume, Forst revisits his work on toleration and situates it in relation to both the concept of political liberty and his wider project of a critical theory of justification. Interlocutors Teresa M. Bejan, John Horton, Chandran Kukathas, Daniel Weinstock, Melissa S. Williams, Patchen Markell and David Owen then critically examine Forst's reconstruction of toleration, his account of political liberty and the form of critical theory that he articulates in his work on such political concepts. The volume concludes with Forst's reply to his critics. -- .

'Impressive ... Fascinating' Sunday Times 'An authoritative history' Financial Times 'Gripping and richly researched' Rana Mitter A superb new history of the rise of China and the fall of Hong Kong to authoritarian rule. The rise of China and the fall of Hong Kong to authoritarian rule are told with unique insight in this new history by Michael Sheridan, drawing on eyewitness reporting over three decades, interviews with key figures and documents from archives in China and the West. The story sweeps the reader from the earliest days of trade through the Opium Wars of the 19th century to the age of globalisation and the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China. It ends with the battle for democracy on the city's streets and the ultimate victory of the Chinese Communist Party. How did it come to this? We learn from private papers that Margaret Thatcher anguished over the fate of Hong Kong, sought secret American briefings on how to handle China and put her trust in an adviser who was torn between duty and pride. The deal they made with Beijing did not last. The Chinese side of this history, so often unheard, emerges from memoirs and documents, many new to the foreign reader, revealing how the party's iron will and negotiating tactics crushed its opponents. Yet the voices of Hong Kong people - eloquent, smart and bold - speak out here for ideals that refuse to die. Sheridan's book tells how Hong Kong opened the way for the People's Republic as it reformed its economy and changed the world, emerging to challenge the West with a new order that raises fundamental questions about progress, identity and freedom. It is critical reading for all who study, trade or deal with China.

The Anglo-Scottish union crisis is used to demonstrate the growing influence of popular opinion in this period. In the early modern period, ordinary subjects began to find a role in national politics through the phenomenon of public opinion: by drawing on entrenched ideological differences, oppositional leaders were able to recruit popularsupport to pressure the government with claimed representations of a national interest. This is particularly well demonstrated in the case of the Anglo-Scottish union crisis of 1699-1707, in which Country party leaders encouragedremarkable levels of participation by non-elite Scots. Though dominant accounts of this crisis portray Scottish opinion as impotent in the face of Court party corruption, this book demonstrates the significance of public opinion in the political process: from the Darien crisis of 1699-1701 to the incorporation debates of 1706-7, the Country party aggressively employed pamphlets, petitions and crowds to influence political outcomes. The government's changing response to these adversarial activities further indicates their rising influence. By revealing the ways in which public opinion in Scotland shaped the union crisis from beginning to end, this book explores the power and limitsof public opinion in the early modern public sphere and revises understanding of the making of the British union. Dr KARIN BOWIE lectures in History at the University of Glasgow.

What does revolution mean in the Middle East? Can the Middle East experience be compared with revolution in China, Latin America and East Europe? These questions are the focus of this book, first published in 1972, which examines the revolutionary significance of the major economic, social and political changes in the Middle East over the last fifty years. The special feature is the consideration of the changing connotation of the word 'revolution' and a recognition of a certain continuity in the political style of Middle Eastern societies which limits the use of the term in analysing the political change.

Do countries keep their promises to the international community? When they sign treaties or learn about new expectations, do they take them seriously and implement them? Since we already know intuitively that not all countries do, the next question - and the topic of this book - is: who complies? By considering a wide range of different rules - each precise enough to allow one to measure state compliance - and a variety of methods, we hope to answer this question once and for all. Including a systematic analysis of 8 different countries selected for the variety of regime type, international engagement and economic development they represent, the work caps a five-year research program and represents the culmination of twenty years' worth of work in the disciplines of international relations and international law on legalization and compliance. Stiles highlights the importance of systematic study of compliance in order to move further towards solving truly global issues, such as terrorism, human trafficking, air pollution and collective goods provision. With international laws generally designed to improve the human condition and current levels of compliance inconsistent at best, it is vital to gain a better understanding of who complies and why. This detailed study will be of interest to students of Politics, International Law and International Relations.

In contrast with the progressive dilution of religions predicted by traditional liberal and Marxist approaches, religions remain important for many people, even in Europe, the most secularised continent. In the context of increasingly culturally diverse societies, this calls for a reinterpretation of the secular legacy of the Enlightenment and also for an updating of democratic institutions. This book focuses on a central question: are the classical secularist arrangements well equipped to tackle the challenge of fast-growing religious pluralism? Or should we move to new post-secular arrangements when dealing with pluralism in Europe? Offering an interdisciplinary approach that combines political theory and legal analysis, the authors tackle two interrelated facets of this controversial question. They begin by exploring the theoretical perspective, asking what post-secularism is and looking at its relation to secularism. The practical consequences of this debate are then examined, focusing on case-law through four empirical case studies. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of political theory, philosophy, religion and politics, European law, human rights, legal theory and socio-legal studies.

Over the last two decades, international migration has become a global issue. It is perceived as an ongoing challenge for governments, as well as an issue that is deeply related to other international challenges, such as development, climate change, security and public health. In this context, international organisations have become influential in the way in which migration is thought about and governed. They play an important role, steering states' behaviour and intervening on the ground, through the design and implementation of immigration policy. International organisations tend to promote a positive view of migration, extolling its benefits for all parties. There often exists a contrast between this positivity and the public and political scepticism regularly expressed in Western receiving countries. According to their advocates, international organizations have the potential to improve the governance of migration, by supporting cooperation between states and promoting balanced and comprehensive political strategies. However their detractors criticise them for aligning themselves with the interests of receiving states and for their political agenda. This book brings together analytical and empirical contributions that explore the role of international organisations in migration politics worldwide. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

Updated to take into account the post-war political landscape, this book, consisting of some undelivered lectures originally dating from 1929, discusses the meaning and place of liberty and freedom in a global post-war context.