The international movement of people is provoking worldwide anxiety and apprehension. Nation-states around the globe, especially Western ones, are cracking down on migration for security reasons. International migration has become a key security issue and is perceived, by some, as an existential security threat. The Securitization of Migration is about the movement of people and the system of order underpinning the movement. In undertaking a comparative study of Canada and France, the study analyzes the process of securitizing migration. It explores the process of discursively and institutionally integrating international migration into security frameworks that emphasize policing and defence. Drawing upon social theory, migration studies, and Securitization Theory, Philippe Bourbeau seeks to understand the concepts of power underlying security frameworks and how these affect the treatment of migrants and immigrants. This book is one of the first to systematically and comparatively examine the role of political agents, media agents, and contextual factors in the process of securitizing migration. The book will be of interest to students and scholars concerned with comparative and theoretical approaches to security and migration studies.

Reading texts in relation to feminist, queer, and race theory and Buddhist philosophy, this book argues that an understanding of spirit is critical to explaining the power that social movements have to change hearts, minds, and social structures.

From the rising significance of non-state actors to the increasing influence of regional powers, the nature and conduct of international politics has arguably changed dramatically since the height of the Cold War. Yet much of the literature on deterrence and compellence continues to draw (whether implicitly or explicitly) upon assumptions and precepts formulated in-and predicated upon-politics in a state-centric, bipolar world. Coercion moves beyond these somewhat hidebound premises and examines the critical issue of coercion in the 21st century, with a particular focus on new actors, strategies and objectives in this very old bargaining game. The chapters in this volume examine intra-state, inter-state, and transnational coercion and deterrence as well as both military and non-military instruments of persuasion, thus expanding our understanding of coercion for conflict in the 21st century. ? Scholars have analyzed the causes, dynamics, and effects of coercion for decades, but previous works have principally focused on a single state employing conventional military means to pressure another state to alter its behavior. In contrast, this volume captures fresh developments, both theoretical and policy relevant. This chapters in this volume focus on tools (terrorism, sanctions, drones, cyber warfare, intelligence, and forced migration), actors (insurgents, social movements, and NGOs) and mechanisms (trilateral coercion, diplomatic and economic isolation, foreign-imposed regime change, coercion of nuclear proliferators, and two-level games) that have become more prominent in recent years, but which have yet to be extensively or systematically addressed in either academic or policy literatures.

This volume aims to operationalize General John R. Galvin's call for a new paradigm to fight the most prevalent form of conflict in the world today-insurgency. It contributes to the understanding needed to formulate and implement efforts in the contemporary international security arena.

There are important reasons for the distinct yet significant course adjustments in American and Western foreign policy, which is currently focused on the Middle Eastern and Chinese "hot spots." In early 2012, the United States "pivoted" to make the Far East its military and strategic first priority, thereby downgrading the Middle East. This change in priorities has been accompanied by a curtailed military budget and the end of the two-war doctrine. Amitai Etzioni argues that pivoting towards the Far East is premature and flawed in principle. China can and should be treated for the near future as a potential partner in a changing global order, rather than contained and made into an enemy. At the same time, he argues, the true hot spots continue to be in the Middle East, albeit not in Iraq or Afghanistan, but in Iran and Pakistan. Less urgent but of great importance are the ways the West deals with a complex and varied Muslim world, with political Islamic parties and social movements, and with future waves of Arab awaking. Here the distinction between security and nation building becomes essential for both normative and strategic reasons.

Etzioni expects that we will see few armed humanitarian interventions of the kind we witnessed in 2011 in Libya. To this end, he examines policies that threaten and favor the promotion of human rights. This timely book is written with Etzioni's customary deep appreciation for important issues.

This book examines the role of the military in encouraging or impeding social integration and the ways in which the military enter into ethnic cleavages and conflicts. It offers some conclusions concerning these and related topics based on studies of a variety of countries including the United States, Israel, Greece, Turkey, Ethiopia, Nigeria, India and the People's Republic of China. Each chapter utilizes a common framework of questions as a basis for analysis, facilitating cross-national comparisons. This book should prove of interest to students and observers of militaries around the world as well as anyone interested in questions of ethnicity and integration.

This book studies the role of the EU in peace and security as a regional actor with global aspirations, in the context of challenged and changing multilateralism.

Multilateralism, governance and security are three concepts that have attracted a great deal of attention in the past decade and attempts to redefine them have produced lively conceptual debates. More recently, different strands of the literature have found common ground in the investigation of the EU s role in what has been labelled multilateral security governance . Despite being frequently used, the term is yet to be fully clarified, and empirically explored. To contribute further our understanding of it, this book presents a conceptual and empirical exploration of multilateral security governance and the EU s role in it. Expert contributors in the field analyze both traditional and non-traditional security areas, to investigate if and how multilateral security governance functions, and how the EU contributes (or fails to contribute) to the functioning of multilateral governance.

The EU and Multilateral Security Governance will be of interest to students, scholars and practitioners of EU politics, security studies and governance.

This book maps the increasing convergence of US domestic and international security regimes, analyzing the trend towards global pacification in the name of 'security'.

The dream of liberal world peace after the Cold War is on the verge of collapsing into permanent global pacification not only in the global south but also in pockets of the Third World within the territory of Western states. In this volume, the author explores the ways in which regimes of security have been extended into increasingly large aspects of social life and shows that their expansion has been driven by a constant broadening of the notion of 'war'.

Filling a gap in the literature, the book demonstrates how US security agencies have sought to develop indeterminate security capabilities aimed at distinguishing between legitimate and illegitimate flows of people and resources. This analysis of regimes of security is tied to a more general discussion about the persistence, or even multiplication, of illiberal forms of power within liberal governmentality.

This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, war and conflict studies and international relations in general.

This book offers a state-of-the-art examination of peacemaking, looking at its theoretical assumptions, empirical applications and its consequences. Despite the wealth of research on external interventions and practices of Western peacebuilding, many scholars tend to rely on findings in the so-called 'post-agreement' phase of interventions. As a result, most mainstream peacebuilding literature pays limited or no attention to the linkages that exist between mediation practices in the negotiation phase and processes in the post-peace agreement phase of intervention. By linking the motives and practices of interveners during negotiation and implementation phases into a more integrated theoretical framework, this book makes a unique contribution to the on-going debate on the so-called Western 'liberal' models of peacebuilding. Drawing upon in-depth case-studies from various different regions of the world including Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Sudan, Ivory Coast, Senegal and Sierra Leone, this innovative volume examines a variety of political motives behind third party interventions, thus challenging the very founding concept of mediation literature. This book will of much interest to students of peacebuilding, statebuilding, peacemaking, war and conflict studies, security studies and IR in general.

"Read this disturbing but vital book." - Tucker Carlson From the New York Times bestselling BLITZ: Trump Will Smash the Left and Win author and leading conservative thinker comes DARK AGENDA, an extraordinary look into the left's calculated efforts to create a godless, heathen American society - and how these efforts must be stopped. And it is written by David Horowitz, a Jew. In Dark Agenda: The War to Destroy Christian America, Horowitz warns that the rising attacks on Christians and their beliefs threaten all Americans - including Jews like himself. The liberal establishment and their radical allies envision a new millennium in which Christianity is banished, Horowitz argues. He says that Judeo-Christian values are at the very root of America's democracy. Kill off such values and all of our freedoms could perish. Horowitz examines how our elites - increasingly secular and atheist - are pushing a radical agenda: How the left trashes Christian doctrines critical to the American Republic, much like radical Islam's war on "infidel" cultures like ours. Why the left fights to keep prayer and religion out of public schools, and how those efforts fly in the face of Founding Father Thomas Jefferson's intentions. How fanatical liberals helped create the religious right by targeting evangelicals and believing Catholics and other conservatives. How Barack Obama's ultra-liberal agenda galvanized the anti-God, anti-religious left. The violent and shocking manifesto of Planned Parenthood founder Margaret Sanger who advocated the use of dynamite to promote "revolutionary solidarity." Filled with stories that demonstrate the mind-numbing reasons behind the secular Left's smug disdain for Christianity, Horowitz traces the history of religious liberty from the Founding Fathers to now. He shows how the Founding Fathers put aside their own skepticisms about God and religion to write The Declaration of Independence. Today, he writes Donald Trump's "genuine love for his country" has galvanized Christians to fight the secular war waged against them - as the president has become a lightning rod for the radical left. David Horowitz's powerful new book brings vital insights into the war against Christianity and names the global radicals, leftist Democrats, and money-hungry fat cats of Hollywood and Wall Street responsible for it. Finally, a clear and sensible American voice - one that is not Christian but Jewish - stands up to the twisted rantings of those who want to tear down faith and bedrock of American values. David Horowitz delivers an impassioned plea for the restoration of political sanity in America, a perspective that made America great by respecting the faiths of our fathers and mothers. "One of the most intellectually compelling and rational defenses of Christianity's role in America." - Gov Mike Huckabee The Best Book on Politics for Christians in 2019 - The Stream

Indigenous peoples throughout the world tenaciously defend their lands, cultures, and their lives with resilience and determination. They have done so generation after generation. These are peoples who make up bedrock nations throughout the world in whose territories the United Nations says 80 percent of the world's life sustaining biodiversity remains. Once thought of as remnants of a human past that would soon disappear in the fog of history, indigenous peoples-as we now refer to them-have in the last generation emerged as new political actors in global, regional and local debates. As countries struggle with economic collapse, terrorism and global warming indigenous peoples demand a place at the table to decide policy about energy, boundaries, traditional knowledge, climate change, intellectual property, land, environment, clean water, education, war, terrorism, health and the role of democracy in society. In this volume Rudolph C. Ryser describes how indigenous peoples transformed themselves from anthropological curiosities into politically influential voices in domestic and international deliberations affecting everyone on the planet. He reveals in documentary detail how since the 1970s indigenous peoples politically formed governing authorities over peoples, territories and resources raising important questions and offering new solutions to profound challenges to human life.

Benjamin Parke DeWitt's study of the Progressive Era represents a comprehensive history of the theory and practice of politics from a progressive perspective. His account of the history and projections about the future of the progressive science of politics provided the American liberal-progressive tradition with its first full narrative history at a time when it was not yet the dominant interpretation of the American political order. Its greatest importance, however, lies in DeWitt's conception of where the broad-based progressive critique of the Founders' was heading. DeWitt's history of the origins and projected destiny of the progressive tradition commands a respect that places him in the same company as better-known writers. His historical narrative of the liberal progressive tradition was implicit among a number of writers before the Progressive Movement, but no contemporary writer provided a better roadmap of where progressivism was going than DeWitt. What gives DeWitt's critique a twist is his focus on the individualism of the founders, which he regards as the heart of their anti-democratic principles. His critique of this individualism is the foundation for his argument that collectivism is arguably a more democratic alternative.

Benjamin Parke DeWitt is one of the lesser-known, often overlooked writers who worked to establish the liberal library of American political thought. This book deserves to be read as one of the neglected gems of the Progressive Era that it chronicles. This is an important addition to the Library of Liberal Thought series.

The quest for freedom has always been a defining characteristic of the American people. That neither constitutionalism nor capitalism has secured complete freedom for every person is demonstrated by media announcements of slavery, oppression, exploitation, and a variety of shortcomings in the economic system. That said, and as this volume seeks to demonstrate through a history of radical commentaries, there have always been bold spirits who fight for such ambitious heights. With changing times, freedom meant different things to those who worked for it. This book in its broadest sense is a history of libertarianism. Each of the libertarians in this full study, extending from William Lloyd Garrison to Eugene V. Debs, fought for the ideal of political economy as a practical ideal. In so doing these major figures at the margins of power expanded the entire field of human rights. Charles A. Madison concludes that radicalism became an ideology in the search for freedom. The zeal and activity of these figures did much to attain the political freedom and economic well- being that Americans are inclined to take for granted. These individual chapters are set in frames supplied by background sketches of the movements each group led, and the whole is an attempt to depict and re-evaluate America's social progress without the rigor or formality of impersonalized history.

This book examines the political consequences of European security commercialisation through increased reliance on private military and security companies (PMSCs).

The role of commercial security in the domestic setting in Europe is widely acknowledged; after all, the biggest private security company globally G4S Group has its roots in Scandinavia. However, the use of commercial security contracting by European states for military purposes in international settings is mostly held to be marginal.

This book examines the implications of commercialisation for the peace and reconciliations strategies of European states, focussing specifically on European contracting in Afghanistan. Drawing upon examples from Scandinavia, Central Europe and Continental Europe, each chapter considers three key factors:

• the national contexts that give security contracting in Afghanistan its meaning;
• the national contracting practices;
• the political consequences for the operation in Afghanistan.

This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, global governance, peace and conflict studies, European politics, and IR in general.

This book explores the connection between strong democracy and neoliberal development schemes based on the concept of 'social entrepreneurship' in Thailand and Southern India. With an original approach, this book addresses the intersection between emerging approaches to development; namely microfinance, microenterprise, and social entrepreneurship, and the ability of societies to generate their own public goods without state assistance. Utilizing observation, fieldwork, and practice in Northern Thailand and Southern India, as well as secondary sources from the southern Asia region more generally, the author examines the challenges of democratic governance and generation of public goods where civil society and democracy, as development strategies, have become less meaningful to citizens across the developing world than micro-development. The author argues that these approaches to development have impacts on development and civil society building, but do not necessarily amount to political empowerment, raising important questions for civic participation in the state when the state is no longer viewed as the locus of public goods and democratic governance. Presenting a new theoretical approach to understanding the changing paradigm of development and political participation, Democratic Governance and Social Entrepreneurship will be of interest to students and scholars of development politics, political economy and governance.

The election of 2008 brought onto the national stage complexitiesarising when the member of a minority group assumes power over national political institutions. It also underlined the limits placed on that power by the double accountability such a figure faces. The question posed in this volume of the "NPSR" is: Might the ascendancy of President Obama lead to a deracialization of American politics or its opposite? The contributions to this volume" "examine this question in a variety of ways. David Wilson and Khalilah Brown-Dean analyze black attitudes towards the candidates for the Democratic Party nomination in the presidential race of 2008. Lorenzo Morris asks how perceptions of race have defined expectations of the African American ambassadors to the United Nations. Horace Bartilow and Kihong Eom use a game theoretic approach to examine US drug strategies in the Caribbean. A works-in-progress section follows with personal reflections by Michael C. Dawson and Andra Gillespe. They relate how personal concerns and curiosities guide their research. A book review section provides a discussion about works of interest to scholars studying black politics.

This volume explores and discusses how privacy is understood today. What is privacy? What strategies are used to achieve or to protect the individual's privacy? How are our conceptions of privacy evolved throughout times and cultures? Given the multidimensional character of privacy, the book analyses the variety and complexity of its meanings by adopting a cross-disciplinary position. The contributions collected here approach the topic from a multiplicity of perspectives and with the support of modern critical theories in sociology, anthropology, philosophy, visual art, and media. In discussing the main questions raised by the privacy issue, the essays reveal the multifaceted aspects of human experience, which cannot be easily explored within a single framework for interpretation. This book gives the reader the opportunity to explore some of these aspects and to learn more about privacy - how important it is to us and how much we will miss it if it is neglected - and ultimately more about ourselves.

A Free Society Reader rises to the challenge of freedom in the twenty-first century, offering thoughts and insights with significant implications for citizens of today's brand new world. Our era's most prominent figures in the fields of Christianity and liberty speak about Pope John Paul II's vision of a free society, conceptualize Christianity and political economy, debate issues of democracy and the free society, and question the role of culture. Together for the first time in one volume, these preeminent thinkers provide inspiration and insight to scholars, students, and general readers charting the enormous changes the new millennium has seen.

In just two decades, the number of states that have adopted external voting policies has boomed. Today, these policies, which allow emigrants to take part in home country elections from abroad, are widely found in Europe and Latin America. Looking at the cases of Italy, Mexico, and Bolivia, this book examines the motivations and consequences for states that enfranchise citizens abroad. This analysis sheds light on the impact of emigrants in home country politics, the motivations for emigrants to take part in the elections of a country where they no longer reside, and the consequences of this practice on receiving societies.

With a multi-disciplinary approach, this book will appeal to scholars and students of sociology, political science, legal studies, international relations, migration, and transnationalism.

Long considered overwhelmingly resilient, Arab authoritarian regimes have begun to fall in surprising manner. While the future of governance in these countries is unclear, the new Arab movements, largely secular and youthful, reveal a vital and ambitious new Arab generation. For these youth, radical Islam has lost its seductive appeal and religion is being marginalized. Women now are far more visibly active in societies long bound by tradition. The participants in the new movements prefer peaceful means, but are prepared to fight if necessary to change the future. They are motivated by a new global awareness from the internet and the means provided by Facebook and other new media to quickly build massive, powerful movements. Khosrokavar's compares the different countries shaken by the protest movements and he contextualizes of the demands and claims of the determined, democratically minded participants. He also looks beyond the Arab world to show how the Arab revolutions are leaving a deep imprint on countries like Iran, where unsuccessful democratic movements began months before Tunisia and Egypt. The new revolutions change the geo-politics of the region and shed light on new dynamics in which the citizen's dignity takes precedence over religion, community or even regional issues like pan-Arabism. The movements reveal the true democratic spirit of this new Arab generation which is largely unsympathetic to the aims of Jihadi terrorist actions. Looking to the future, Khosrokavar discusses how the new movements may change the world.

This book explores the ideas of key thinkers and media practitioners who have examined images and icons of war and terror. Icons of War and Terror explores theories of iconic images of war and terror, not as received pieties but as challenging uncertainties; in doing so, it engages with both critical discourse and conventional image-making. The authors draw on these theories to re-investigate the media/global context of some of the most iconic representations of war and terror in the international 'risk society'. Among these photojournalistic images are: Nick Ut's Pulitzer Prize winning photograph of a naked girl, Kim Phuc, running burned from a napalm attack in Vietnam in June 1972; a quintessential 'ethnic cleansing' image of massacred Kosovar Albanian villagers at Racak on January 15, 1999, which finally propelled a hesitant Western alliance into the first of the 'new humanitarian wars'; Luis Simco's photograph of marine James Blake Miller, 'the Marlboro Man', at Fallujah, Iraq, 2004; the iconic toppling of the World Trade Centre towers in New York by planes on September 11, 2001; and the 'Falling Man' icon - one of the most controversial images of 9/11; the image of one of the authors of this book, as close-up victim of the 7/7 terrorist attack on London, which the media quickly labelled iconic. This book will be of great interest to students of media and war, sociology, communications studies, cultural studies, terrorism studies and security studies in general.

This book explores the ideas of key thinkers and media practitioners who have examined images and icons of war and terror. Icons of War and Terror explores theories of iconic images of war and terror, not as received pieties but as challenging uncertainties; in doing so, it engages with both critical discourse and conventional image-making. The authors draw on these theories to re-investigate the media/global context of some of the most iconic representations of war and terror in the international 'risk society'. Among these photojournalistic images are: Nick Ut's Pulitzer Prize winning photograph of a naked girl, Kim Phuc, running burned from a napalm attack in Vietnam in June 1972; a quintessential 'ethnic cleansing' image of massacred Kosovar Albanian villagers at Racak on January 15, 1999, which finally propelled a hesitant Western alliance into the first of the 'new humanitarian wars'; Luis Simco's photograph of marine James Blake Miller, 'the Marlboro Man', at Fallujah, Iraq, 2004; the iconic toppling of the World Trade Centre towers in New York by planes on September 11, 2001; and the 'Falling Man' icon - one of the most controversial images of 9/11; the image of one of the authors of this book, as close-up victim of the 7/7 terrorist attack on London, which the media quickly labelled iconic. This book will be of great interest to students of media and war, sociology, communications studies, cultural studies, terrorism studies and security studies in general.

This edited volume places the body at the centre of critical thinking about war and its consequences. War is fundamentally embodied. The reality of war is not just politics by any other means but politics incarnate, politics written on and experienced through the thinking, feeling bodies of men and women. From steeled combatants to abject victims, war occupies innumerable bodies in a multitude of ways, profoundly shaping lives and ways of being human. Giving the body an analytic recognition that it warrants and has often been denied in conventional war studies, this book brings together new interdisciplinary scholarship that explores the numerous affective, sensory and embodied practices through which war lives and breeds. It focuses on how war is prepared, enacted and reproduced through embodied action, suffering and memory. As such, the book promotes new directions in theorising war and transformations in warfare, via an explicit focus on the body. This book will be of much interest to students and scholars of war studies, security studies, sociology, anthropology, military studies, politics and IR in general.

This edited volume aims to deepen our understanding of state power through a series of case studies of political violence arising from state counter-terrorism' strategies. The book examines how state counter-terrorism strategies are invariably underpinned by terror, in the form of state political violence. It seeks to answer several key questions: To what extent can counter-terror strategies be read as a form of state terror? What are the features of counter-terrorism that render it so easily reducible to state terror? If state terror is a necessary product of state counter-terrorism, what does this mean for how we resist the war on terror'? How fundamental is state terror to the maintenance of a neo-liberal social order? The chapters analyse this process in a range of contexts including: Spain; the UK and Northern Ireland; the US and Colombia; the US and Puerto Rico; Israel and Gaza; the US and European powers in the Sahara; Indonesia and Timor-Leste and West Papua; Sri Lanka and Tamil Eelam; the UK and immigrants (especially from suspect communities'), political dissidents and asylum seekers. Contributors use the case studies to understand what it means to say that the war on terror' is terror, and explore this in a psychological warfare sense (the creation of widespread fears of state violence in order to achieve political, social or military aims), or in a hegemonic sense (to develop a state of fear of sub-state terrorists' in order to escalate state political violence). This book will be of great interest to students of critical terrorism studies, political violence, war and conflict studies, sociology, international security and IR.