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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political control & freedoms > General
Scholars, especially Napoleon Chagnon, have portrayed the Yanomami as fierce people. Yanomami themselves resent that portrayal and state that they are no more fierce than those who label them. Moreover, a number of scholars argue that such a portrayal has had dire consequences for these Indian people. Governments and their subjects tend to regard them as primitive and not really part of their citizenry. Recent quarrels between the Salesian missionaries and Napoleon Chagnon have highlighted this debate. This book examines this dispute in detail and presents the views of the Salesians, New Tribes, and the Yanomami in response to outsiders' interpretations.
Jonathan Wheatley examines the tortuous process of regime change in Georgia from the first pro-independence protests of 1988 to the aftermath of the so-called Rose Revolution in 2004. It is set within a comparative framework that includes other transition countries, particularly those in the former Soviet Union. The book provides two important theoretical innovations: the notion of a regime, which is an under-theorized concept in the field of transition literature, and O'Donnell, Schmitter and Karl's notion of a dynamic actor-driven transition. The volume turns to the structural constraints that framed the transition in Georgia and in other republics of the former Soviet Union by looking at the state and society in the USSR at the close of the Soviet period. It examines the evolution and nature of the Georgian regime, and ultimately addresses the theoretical and empirical problems posed by Georgia's so-called Rose Revolution following the falsification of parliamentary elections by the incumbent authorities.
Based on a study of 12,000 elementary schoolchildren in eight large
and medium-sized American cities, this book presents the first
large-scale study of political attitude formation in children. The
authors view political development from the perspective of a
general theory of socialization, and compare the influences of
social class, intelligence, teacher attitude, and religious
membershipon the growth of political attitudes.
This edited volume examines deterrence and the defense efforts of European states neighboring Russia, following the Crimean intervention. Deterrence, after being largely absent from debates among academics and policy-makers for almost a quarter of a century, has made a comeback in Europe. Since Russia's annexation of Crimea and the start of the military conflict in Ukraine's Donbass region, eastern and northern European states have revised their assessments of Russia's policies and intentions. The approach used by Russia in Ukraine has rendered lessons learned from the Cold War deterrence only partially applicable due to the changing security situation in Europe. The emergence of the cyber realm, a smaller emphasis on nuclear deterrence, and the ideological conflict between Russia and the West, are among the key differences between the Cold War and the current security environment. Structured into two parts, the first part discusses conceptual aspects of deterrence, while the second discusses ten country case studies, which include both NATO and non-NATO countries. This allows for an in-depth analysis of the changing character of deterrence and its practical application by Russia's European neighbours. This volume will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, European politics, Russian foreign policy, security studies and international relations in general.
First published in 1999, the world of Christian radicalism in the first half of the nineteenth century is reconstructed here with thorough research by Eileen Groth Lyon. Christian radicals, during this period, sought to incite political action through the use of Scripture, using such themes as the rights of man as founded in God's gift of creation, the deliverance of oppressed peoples, and the perceived favour towards the poor shown in the Gospels. The author tracks the origin and fate of the movement for the first time, from its beginnings in the eighteenth century, through its implementation in the major politic agitations of the early and mid-nineteenth century, to its fruition in the achievements of the campaigns for parliamentary, factory and poor law reform. By focusing on the Christian radical programme, Politicians in the Pulpit advances a new understanding of the most important political initiatives of early Victorian Britain.
This book provides a fully-contextualised, multidisciplinary examination of bullying and violence in South Korean society. Bullying and violence has been a pressing societal issue since 2011, having been labelled as a 'social evil' to be eradicated by the government. However, the issue has been incorrectly confined to schools when in fact it is widespread in society and in professional settings, as Bax argues in this original new text. Through twenty in-depth case studies and original case material from a Juvenile Detention Centre, Bax examines the historical, cultural, political and social contexts of bullying and violence to better understand the nature of these crimes, the perpetrators, and how they come together in the broader cultural landscape within which the individual, the family, the school and the community are embedded.
This book shows how language can be used strategically to manipulate beliefs.From Machiavelli to P. T. Barnum to Donald Trump, many have perfected the art of strategically using language to gain the upper hand, set a tone, change the subject, or influence people's beliefs and behaviors. Language--both words themselves and rhetorical tactics such as metaphor, irony, slang, and humor--can effectively manipulate the minds of the listener. In this book, Marcel Danesi, a renowned linguistic anthropologist and semiotician, looks at language that is used not to present arguments logically or rationally, but to "move" audiences in order to gain their confidence and build consensus. He demonstrates that through language techniques communicators can not only sway opinions but also shape listeners' very perception of reality. He assesses how the communicative environment in which the art of the lie unfolds--such as on social media or in emotionally-charged gatherings--impacts the results.Danesi also investigates why lies are often accepted as valid. Artful lying fits in with an Internet society that is largely disinterested in what is true and what is false and in which attention is often given to speech that is entertaining or persuasive. Have we become immune to lies because of a social media discourse shaped by untruths? In an electronic age where facts are deemed irrelevant and conspiracies are accorded as much credibility as truths, this book discusses the implications of lying and language for the future of belief, ethics, and American democracy itself.
This comprehensive review of the gulag system instituted in communist Vietnam explores the three-pronged approach that was used to convert the rebellious South into a full-fledged communist country after 1975. This book attempts to retrace the path of these imprisoned people from the last months of the war to their escape from Vietnam and explores the emotions that gripped them throughout their stay in the camps. Individual reactions to the camps varied depending on philosophical, emotional and moral beliefs. This reconstruction of those years serves as a memoir for all who were incarcerated in the bamboo gulags.
Daniel Pinello's exhaustive study analyzes how federal and state appellate courts treated the civil rights claims of lesbians and gay men between 1981 and 2000. Pinello examines 1,439 votes by 849 appellate judges in 398 decisions and opinions from 87 courts in all federal jurisdictions and 47 states. His investigation reveals that legal variables; judges' personal attributes; environmental factors (juridical ideology, consensual sodomy statutes, and gay civil rights laws); institutional determinants (judicial selection method and term length); and time and interest group participation were significant forces in judicial policymaking.
Many have argued that ubuntu was a formative influence on the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), South Africa's famous transitional justice mechanism. A Discourse on African Philosophy: A New Perspective on Ubuntu and Transitional Justice in South Africa challenges and contextualizes this view in a way that not only provides new findings and reflections on ubuntu and the TRC, but also contributes to the field of African philosophy. One of Christian B. N. Gade's key findings, founded on qualitative interviews in South Africa, is that some former TRC commissioners and committee members question the importance of ubuntu in the TRC process. Another is that there are several differing and historically developing interpretations of ubuntu, some of which have evident political implications and reflect non-factual and creative uses of history. Thus ubuntu is not a shared cultural heritage, in the ethnophilosophical sense of a static property characterizing a group. In fact, throughout this book Gade argues that the ethnophilosophical approach to African philosophy as a static group property is highly problematic. Gade's research presents an alternative collective discourse on African philosophy ("collective" in the sense that it does not focus on any single individual in particular) that takes differences, historical developments, and social contexts seriously. This book will be of interest to scholars in African philosophy, transitional justice, politics and cultural heritage, and law in South Africa.
In government, influence denotes one's ability to get others to
act, think, or feel as one intends. A mayor who persuades voters to
approve a bond issue exercises influence. A businessman whose
promises of support induce a mayor to take action exercises
influence. In "Political Influence," Edward C. Banfield examines
the structures and dynamics of influence in determining who
actually makes the decisions on vital issues in a large
metropolitan area. This edition includes an introduction by James
Q. Wilson, who provides an intellectual profile of Banfield and a
review of his life and work.
Using New York as a lens, this book examines the Red Scare that griped America between 1919-1923 and the pattern it established for future episodes of political repression. It also presents the first in-depth study of the Soviet Bureau, the unofficial Bolshevik embassy that attempted to establish commercial ties with American businessmen, as well as the development of the Rand School as one of the nation's first working-class oriented schools.
This book is the story of Major-General Peter Grigorenko, a single individual challenging and defying in the cause of human decency the organized and quite unscrupulous might of the most powerful state in the world.
Not long after the Allied victories in Europe and Japan, America's attention turned from world war to cold war. The perceived threat of communism had a definite and significant impact on all levels of American popular culture, from Harry Chapin's propaganda maps in Time magazine to The Bullwinkle Show. This work examines representations of anti-communist sentiment in American popular culture from the early fifties through the mid-sixties. The discussion covers television programs, films, novels, journalism, maps, memoirs, and other works that presented anti-communist ideology to millions of Americans and influenced their thinking about these controversial issues. It also points out the different strands of anti-communist rhetoric, such as liberal and countersubversive ones, that dominated popular culture in different media, and tells a much more complicated story about producers' and consumers' ideas about communism through close study of the cultural artifacts of the Cold War.
Public policy systems, much like humans, can operate under continual stress over long periods of time. Whereas analysis of these systems often tends to focus on the extremes of success or failure, the more complex reality is that more often than not they neither completely excel nor completely fail in what they do, but combine elements of both in the way they cope and perform under stress. This book explores these dynamics through the archetypal case of crowding in British prisons. Packed with data, it provides an original analysis of the prison system through an era of managerialist change. It contributes to contemporary debates on the management of prisons, and the wider fields of public management, governance, and executive politics. At its heart lies a new concept of "chronic capacity stress" (CCS), one which will be valuable to anyone - academics, practitioners, students alike - interested in how policy systems both succeed and fail in complex and ever-changing political, economic, and social environments.
Throughout history, the natural human inclination to accumulate power has led to increases in growth and scale that have amplified major social problems. In several cases, the costs of development have been borne by the many, but the benefits have been concentrated among the few. The implications are clear: some of the world's most serious social problems -- poverty, war, pollution -- can be seen as problems of scale and power. Drawing on history, economics, anthropology, and sociology, the author argues that individuals, not social classes, have been the agents of social change. This cogent and provocative book looks at how increases in scale necessarily lead to an increasingly small elite gaining disproportionate power -- ironically making democratic control more difficult to achieve and maintain.
Throughout history, the natural human inclination to accumulate power has led to increases in growth and scale that have amplified major social problems. In several cases, the costs of development have been borne by the many, but the benefits have been concentrated among the few. The implications are clear: some of the world's most serious social problems -- poverty, war, pollution -- can be seen as problems of scale and power. Drawing on history, economics, anthropology, and sociology, the author argues that individuals, not social classes, have been the agents of social change. This cogent and provocative book looks at how increases in scale necessarily lead to an increasingly small elite gaining disproportionate power -- ironically making democratic control more difficult to achieve and maintain.
This book describes the rise of independent mass media in Russia, from the loosening of censorship under Gorbachev's policy of glasnost to the proliferation of independent newspapers and the rise of media barons during the Yeltsin years. The role of the Internet, the impact of the 1998 financial crisis, the succession of Putin, and the effort to re-impose central power over privately controlled media empires mark the end of the first decade of a Russian free press. Throughout the book there is a focus on the close intermingling of political power and media power, as the propaganda function of the press in fact never disappeared, but rather has been harnessed to multiple and conflicting ideological interests. More than a guide to the volatile Russian media scene and its players, Media and Power in Post-Soviet Russia poses questions of importance and relevance to any functioning democracy.
This book describes the rise of independent mass media in Russia, from the loosening of censorship under Gorbachev's policy of glasnost to the proliferation of independent newspapers and the rise of media barons during the Yeltsin years. The role of the Internet, the impact of the 1998 financial crisis, the succession of Putin, and the effort to re-impose central power over privately controlled media empires mark the end of the first decade of a Russian free press. Throughout the book there is a focus on the close intermingling of political power and media power, as the propaganda function of the press in fact never disappeared, but rather has been harnessed to multiple and conflicting ideological interests. More than a guide to the volatile Russian media scene and its players, Media and Power in Post-Soviet Russia poses questions of importance and relevance to any functioning democracy. |
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