Sovereign wealth funds are state-controlled pools of capital that hold financial and real assets, including shares of state enterprises, and manage them to grow the nation's base of sovereign wealth. The dramatic rise of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) in both number and size-this group is now larger than the size of global private equity and hedge funds, combined-and the fact that most are located in non-OECD countries, has raised concern about the direction of capitalism. Yet SWFs are not a homogenous group of actors. Why do some countries with large current account surpluses, notably China, create SWFs while others, such as Switzerland and Germany, do not? Why do other countries with no macroeconomic justification, such as Senegal and Turkey, create SWFs? And why do countries with similar macroeconomic features, such as Kuwait and Qatar or Singapore and Hong Kong, choose different types of SWFs? Capital Choices analyzes the creation of different SWFs from a comparative political economy perspective, arguing that different state-society structures at the sectoral level are the drivers for SWF variation. Juergen Braunstein focuses on the early formation period of SWFs, a critical but little understood area given the high levels of political sensitivity and lack of transparency that surround SWF creation. Braunstein's novel analytical framework provides practical lessons for the business and finance organizations and policymakers of countries that have created, or are planning to create, SWFs.

In Fragile Dreams,John A. Gould examines Central European communism, why it failed, and what has come since. Moving loosely chronologically from 1989 to the present, each chapter focuses on topics of importance from the fields of comparative politics and sociology, to feminist and gender studies. He addresses literature and key events related to the following: uprisings and social movements; communism and liberalism; the 20th century communist experience; post-communist liberal economic and political reform; politicized identity (with a focus on nation, gender and sexual orientation); democratization and EU accession; homophobia; and finally, populism and democratic decline. He draws heavily from his own research and experience as well as case studies of the former Czechoslovakia, Western Balkans, and Hungary-but much of the analysis has general applicability to the broader postcommunist region.Broad in its coverage, this academically rigorous book is ideal for students, travelers, and general readers. Gould writes in the first person and seamlessly blends theory with stories both from the existing literature and from 30 years of regional personal experience with family and friends. Throughout, Gould introduces key concepts, players, and events with precise definitions. Wherever possible, he emphasizes marginalized narratives, centering theory and stories that are often overlooked in standard comparative political science literature.

Duncan Kennedy argues that an American radicalism is both possible and desirable. One base for radical politics is the big institutional workplace; another is popular culture--whence his emphasis on phenomena like sexy dressing. Kennedy's aim is to wed the rebelliousness, irony, and irrationalism of cultural modernism and postmodernism to the earnestness of political correctness.

Law and images are generally not regarded as having much in common, since law is based on textual and images are based on visual information. The paper demonstrates that quite to the contrary, legal norms can be understood as models of intended moral behaviour and hence as images, in the same way as images can be said to have a normative and hence regulatory effect. Following an interdisciplinary approach along the lines of cultural research, the paper explains how images "function" to lawyers and how the law "works" to those trained in the visual sciences. In addition, laying the foundations for a research field "Law and Images" in parallel to the well-established "Law and Literature", the paper describes the main avenues for future research in this field. Also, the paper contains a brief systematization of images in law, of law and for law.

This book undertakes the first comparative constitutional analysis of the Kyrgyz Republic and Republics of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in their cultural, historical, political, economic and social context. The first chapter provides a general overview of the diverse and dynamic constitutional landscape across the region. A second chapter examines the Soviet constitutional system in depth as the womb of the Central Asian States. A third chapter completes the general picture by examining the constitutional influences of the 'new world order' of globalisation, neoliberalism, and good governance into which the five states were thrust. The remaining five chapters look in turn at the constitutional context of presidents and governments, parliaments and elections, courts and rights, society and economy and culture and identity. The enquiry probes the regional patterns of neo-Sovietism, plebiscitary elections, weak courts and parliaments, crony capitalism, and constraints on association, as well as the counter-tendencies that strengthen democracy, rights protection and pluralism. It reveals the Central Asian experience to be emblematic of the principal issues and tensions facing contemporary constitutional systems everywhere.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is actively seeking ways for member countries to enhance their individual economic development within the context of overall regional advancement. Central to this is the creation of a regional intellectual property framework. This book examines the efforts to move beyond sovereign protections of intellectual property rights and establish meaningful inter-state cooperation on intellectual property issues. Rather than aim for IP harmonization, ASEAN recognizes its internal diversity and pursues an agenda of 'IP Interoperability'. The essays in this collection examine the unique dynamics of 'interoperability', analyzing the administration of intellectual property in a part of the world that is of increasing importance. The book enables the reader to compare and contrast the ASEAN model to other approaches in regional cooperation, such as Europe and Latin America, and also explores private international law as a potential vehicle for interoperability.

Preface by R.A. Duff In line with theories of National Socialism as a continuation and radicalization of existing trends, this innovative study interprets Nazi criminal law as a racist (anti-Semitic), nationalist ("Germanic"), and totalitarian construct that continues and develops further the authoritarian and anti-liberal tendencies of German criminal law of the fin-de-siecle and the Weimar Republic. This is borne out by a systematic analysis of writings by relevant authors that focuses first and foremost on the texts, which speak for themselves, and is less concerned with morally judging the scholars who produced them. Furthermore, the study shares novel insights on the reception of German (National Socialist) criminal law in Latin America. The aforementioned continuity existed not only between the Nazi period and the eras preceding it, but also between National Socialism and the period that followed (the Bonn Republic). In short, National Socialist criminal law neither came out of nowhere nor disappeared completely after 1945. Current identitarian attempts by the so-called Neue Rechte ("New Right") to reconstruct the Germanic myth represent yet another continuation that links seamlessly to National Socialist ideology.

This fast-paced, inspiring and original work proposes that, if religions fade, then secular law provides a much more comprehensive moral regime to govern our lives. Backed by potent and haunting images, it argues that the rule of law is the one universal framework that everyone believes in and that the law is now the most important ideology we have for our survival. The author explores the decline of religions and the huge growth of law and makes predictions for the future of law and lawyers. The book maintains that even though societies may decide they can do without religions, they cannot do without law. The book helpfully summarises both the teachings of all the main religions and the central tenets of the law - governing everything from human relationships to money, banks and corporations. It shows that, without these legal constructs, some of them arcane, our societies would grind to a halt. These innovative summaries make complex ideas seem simple and provide the keys to understanding both the law and religion globally. The book will appeal to both lawyers and the general reader. The book concludes with the author's personal code for a modern way of living to promote the survival of humankind into the future. Vividly written by one of the most important lawyers of our generation, this magisterial and exciting work offers a powerful vision of the role of law in centuries to come and its impact on how we stay alive.

From Moscow, the world looks different. It is through understanding how Russia sees the world and its place in it that the West can best meet the Russian challenge.Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a "rational" Western nation even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's much different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders from the czars to Putin almost always act in their own very predictable and rational ways. For Western leaders to try to engage with Russia without attempting to understand how Russians look at the world is a recipe for repeated disappointment and frequent crises. Keir Giles, a senior expert on Russia at Britain's prestigious Chatham House, describes how Russian leaders have used consistent doctrinal and strategic approaches to the rest of the world. These approaches may seem deeply alien in the West, but understanding them is essential for successful engagement with Moscow. Giles argues that understanding how Moscow's leaders think not just Vladimir Putin but his predecessors and eventual successors will help their counterparts in the West develop a less crisis-prone and more productive relationship with Russia.

English summary: Between 1813 and 1833, Schleiermacher gave five lectures on the theory of the state at the newly established University of Berlin, lectures in which he was supportive of the Prussian reforms. Unlike Hegel's philosophy of law, Schleiermacher's political theories had scarcely any effects. It was not until 1998 that a critical edition of the manuscripts and transcripts was published. Miriam Rose provides the first comprehensive and systematic interpretation of Schleiermacher's theory of the state referring to the state discourses after the French Revolution. Schleiermacher's liberal, freedom-oriented attitude is shown in thematic cross-sections of the problems of war and peace as well as the state and the church. Using the issue of individual freedom as an example, the author describes the specific characteristics of this concept. She proves that in spite of its liberal orientation this is not a liberal concept. German description: Schleiermacher hielt zwischen 1813 und 1833 funf Vorlesungen zur Staatslehre an der neugegrundeten Universitat Berlin, in denen er die Preussischen Reformen unterstutzte. Im Unterschied zu Hegels Rechtsphilosophie entfaltete Schleiermachers politisches Denken aber kaum Wirkung. Erst seit 1998 liegt eine kritische Edition der entsprechenden Manuskripte und Nachschriften vor. Miriam Rose liefert erstmals eine umfassende systematische Erschliessung der Staatslehre Schleiermachers bezogen auf die Staatsdiskurse nach der Franzosischen Revolution. In thematischen Langsschnitten, u.a. zu den Problemen Krieg und Frieden sowie Staat und Kirche, zeigt sich die liberale Orientierung Schleiermachers. Die spezifische Eigenart dieser Konzeption profiliert die Autorin anhand der Frage nach der Freiheit des Einzelnen. Sie stellt heraus, dass es sich trotz der liberalen Orientierung um keinen liberalen Entwurf handelt.

In clear and straightforward language, Justin B. Richland and Sarah Deer discuss the history and structure of tribal justice systems; the scope of criminal and civil jurisdictions; and the various means by which the integrity of tribal courts is maintained. This book is an indispensable resource for students, tribal leaders, and tribal communities interested in the complicated relationship between tribal, federal, and state law.

English summary: Martin Otto has written the first scholarly biography of Erwin Jacobi. Jacobi, who was educated in ecclesiastical law, was not only one of the founders of modern labor law, he was also a respected teacher of constitutional law in the Weimar period and, together with Carl Schmitt, participated in the dispute on methodology. In 1933 he was dismissed by the National Socialists and in 1946 he returned to the University of Leipzig, with which he remained associated for the rest of his life. The author looks into Jacob's private and public life and also investigates the network of the most significant political scandal in which Jacobi was involved (Prussia versus Reich, 1932). He also describes the struggle for the autonomy of the university and of jurisprudence in the early GDR. German description: Martin Otto legt mit seinem Buch die erste wissenschaftliche Biographie des Arbeits-, Staats- und Kirchenrechtlers Erwin Jacobi vor. Jacobi gehorte zu den Pionieren der Arbeitsrechtswissenschaft in der Weimarer Republik. Als Staatsrechtler war er gemeinsam mit Carl Schmitt als grosszugiger Interpret der Diktaturkompetenz des Reichsprasidenten bekannt geworden (Schmitt-Jacobische Formel). Entsprechend vertrat er 1932 gemeinsam mit Carl Schmitt die Regierung von Papen vor dem Staatsgerichtshof fur das Deutsche Reich im sogenannten Preussenschlagverfahren. Auf Jacobis Veroffentlichungen der Weimarer Zeit gehen der bis heute gebrauchliche arbeitsrechtliche Betriebsbegriff und der Terminus Verfassungsdurchbrechung zuruck. 1933 aus rassischen Grunden von der Universitat Leipzig entfernt, gehorte er nach 1945 zu den ersten Professoren der neubegrundeten Juristenfakultat. In der DDR als fortschrittlicher Burgerlicher geduldet, versuchte er nach Moglichkeit, die wissenschaftliche Autonomie der Universitat zu wahren, durchschaute aber immer mehr die Widerspruchlichkeiten der DDR-Wissenschaftspolitik. Aufgrund seiner Prominenz besass er eine gewisse Autonomie, die es ihm erlaubte, auch unbequeme Dinge (Wahlrecht und Situation der Kirchen im Ostblock) anzusprechen, auch Westkontakte und - reisen waren ihm moglich. Die Bespitzelung durch die Staatssicherheit und ein teilweises Verbot von Schriften verhinderte dies nicht. Das Buch verbindet die Geschichte des offentlichen Rechts in Deutschland im 20. Jahrhundert mit der Wissenschaftsgeschichte der DDR.

Original and interdisciplinary, this is the first book to explore the relationship between a neoliberal mode of governance and the so-called genetic revolution.

Looking at the knowledge-power relations in the post-genomic era and addressing the pressing issues of genetic privacy and discrimination in the context of neoliberal governance, this book demonstrates and explains the mechanisms of mutual production between biotechnology and cultural, political, economic and legal frameworks.

In the fist part Antoinette Rouvroy explores the social, political and economic conditions and consequences of this new 'perceptual regime'. In the second she pursues her analysis through a consideration of the impact of 'geneticisation' on political support of the welfare state and on the operation of private health and life insurances. Genetics and neoliberalism, she argues, are complicit in fostering the belief that social and economic patterns have a fixed nature beyond the reach of democratic deliberation, whilst the characteristics of individuals are unusually plastic, and within the scope of individual choice and responsibility.

This book will be of interest to all to all students of law, sociology and politics.

What is the role of law in a society in which order is maintained mostly through social norms, trust, and nonlegal sanctions? Eric Posner argues that social norms are sometimes desirable yet sometimes odious, and that the law is critical to enhancing good social norms and undermining bad ones. But he also argues that the proper regulation of social norms is a delicate and complex task, and that current understanding of social norms is inadequate for guiding judges and lawmakers. What is needed, and what this book offers, is a model of the relationship between law and social norms. The model shows that people's concern with establishing cooperative relationships leads them to engage in certain kinds of imitative behavior. The resulting behavioral patterns are called social norms.

Posner applies the model to several areas of law that involve the regulation of social norms, including laws governing gift-giving and nonprofit organizations; family law; criminal law; laws governing speech, voting, and discrimination; and contract law. Among the engaging questions posed are: Would the legalization of gay marriage harm traditional married couples? Is it beneficial to shame criminals? Why should the law reward those who make charitable contributions? Would people vote more if non-voters were penalized? The author approaches these questions using the tools of game theory, but his arguments are simply stated and make no technical demands on the reader.

How can we distinguish between injustice and misfortune? What can we learn from the victims of calamity about the sense of injustice they harbor? In this book a distinguished political theorist ponders these and other questions and formulates a new political and moral theory of injustice that encompasses not only deliberate acts of cruelty or unfairness but also indifference to such acts. Judith N. Shklar draws on the writings of Plato, Augustine, and Montaigne, three skeptics who gave the theory of injustice its main structure and intellectual force, as well as on political theory, history, social psychology, and literature from sources as diverse as Rosseau, Dickens, Hardy, and E. L. Doctorow. Shklar argues that we cannot set rigid rules to distinguish instances of misfortune from injustice, as most theories of justice would have us do, for such definitions would not take into account historical variability and differences in perception and interest between the victims and spectators. From the victim's point of view-whether it be one who suffered in an earthquake or as a result of social discrimination-the full definition of injustice must include not only the immediate cause of disaster but also our refusal to prevent and then to mitigate the damage, or what Shklar calls passive injustice. With this broader definition comes a call for greater responsibility from both citizens and public servants. When we attempt to make political decisions about what to do in specific instances of injustice, says Shklar, we must give the victim's voice its full weight. This is in keeping with the best impulses of democracy and is our only alternative to a complacency that is bound to favor the unjust.

This book argues that classical natural law jurisprudence provides a superior answer to the questions "What is law?" and "How should law be made?" rather than those provided by legal positivism and "new" natural law theories. What is law? How should law be made? Using St. Thomas Aquinas's analogy of God as an architect, Brian McCall argues that classical natural law jurisprudence provides an answer to these questions far superior to those provided by legal positivism or the "new" natural law theories. The Architecture of Law explores the metaphor of law as an architectural building project, with eternal law as the foundation, natural law as the frame, divine law as the guidance provided by the architect, and human law as the provider of the defining details and ornamentation. Classical jurisprudence is presented as a synthesis of the work of the greatest minds of antiquity and the medieval period, including Cicero, Artistotle, Gratian, Augustine, and Aquinas; the significant texts of each receive detailed exposition in these pages. Along with McCall's development of the architectural image, he raises a question that becomes a running theme throughout the book: To what extent does one need to know God to accept and understand natural law jurisprudence, given its foundational premise that all authority comes from God? The separation of the study of law from knowledge of theology and morality, McCall argues, only results in the impoverishment of our understanding of law. He concludes that they must be reunited in order for jurisprudence to flourish. This book will appeal to academics, students in law, philosophy, and theology, and to all those interested in legal or political philosophy.

Comparing two consequential movements that shed light on the nature of revolution>Revolutions in Cuba and Venezuela compares the sociopolitical processes behind two major revolutions—Cuba in 1959, when Fidel Castro came to power, and Venezuela in 1999, when Hugo Chávez won the presidential election. With special attention to the Cuba-Venezuela alliance, particularly in regards to foreign policy and the trade of doctors for oil, Silvia Pedraza and Carlos Romero show that the geopolitical theater where these events played out determined the dynamics and reach of the revolutions. Updating and enriching the current understanding of the Cuban and Venezuelan revolutions, this study is unique in its focus on the massive exodus they generated. Pedraza and Romero argue that this factor is crucial for comprehending a revolution’s capacity to succeed or fail. By externalizing dissent, refugees helped to consolidate the revolutions, but as the diasporas became significant political actors and the lifelines of each economy, they eventually served to undermine the social movements. Using comparative historical analysis and data collected through fieldwork in Cuba and Venezuela as well as from immigrant communities in the U.S., Pedraza and Romero discuss issues of politics, economics, migrations, authoritarianism, human rights, and democracy in two nations that hoped to make a better world through their revolutionary journeys. Publication of this work made possible by a Sustaining the Humanities through the American Rescue Plan grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.

National identity and liberal democracy are recurrent themes in debates about Muslim minorities in the West. Britain is no exception, with politicians responding to claims about Muslims' lack of integration by mandating the promotion of 'fundamental British values' including 'democracy' and 'individual liberty'. This book engages with both these themes, addressing the lack of understanding about the character of British Islam and its relationship to the liberal state. It charts a gradual but decisive shift in British institutions concerned with Islamic education, Islamic law and Muslim representation since Muslims settled in the UK in large numbers in the 1950s. Based on empirical research including interviews undertaken over a ten-year period with Muslims, and analysis of public events organized by Islamic institutions, Stephen Jones challenges claims about the isolation of British Islamic organizations and shows that they have decisively shaped themselves around British public and institutional norms. He argues that this amounts to the building of a distinctive 'British Islam'. Using this narrative, the book makes the case for a variety of liberalism that is open to the expression of religious arguments in public and to associations between religious groups and the state. It also offers a powerful challenge to claims about the insularity of British Islamic institutions by showing how the national orientation of Islam called for by British policymakers is, in fact, already happening.

Taking the long view of conflicts between truth and political powerWhat role does truth play in government? In context of recent political discourse around the globe and especially in the United States it is easy to believe that truth, in the form of indisputable facts, is a matter of debate. But it's also important to remember that since ancient times, every religious and philosophical tradition has wrestled with this question. In this volume, scholars representing ten traditions Western and Eastern, religious and secular address the nature of truth and its role in government. Among the questions they address: When is deception permissible, or even a good thing? What remedies are necessary and useful when governments fail in their responsibilities to be truthful? The authors consider the relationship between truth and governance in democracies, but also in non-democratic regimes. Although democracy is distinctive in requiring truth as a fundamental basis for governing, non-democratic forms of government also cannot do without truth entirely. If ministers cannot give candid advice to rulers, the government's policies are likely to proceed on false premises and therefore fail. If rulers do not speak truthfully to their people, trust will erode. Each author in this book addresses a common set of issues: the nature of truth; the morality of truth-telling; the nature of government, which shapes each tradition's understanding of the relationship between governance and truth; the legitimacy and limits of regulating speech; and remedies when truth becomes divorced from governance. Truth and Governance will open readers' eyes to the variety of possible approaches to the relationship between truth and governance. Readers will find views they thought self-evident challenged and will come away with a greater understanding of the importance of truth and truth-telling, and of how to counter deliberate deception.

Natural Law Today: The Present State of the Perennial Philosophy explains and defends various aspects of traditional natural law ethical theory, which is rooted in a broad understanding of human nature. Some of the issues touched upon include the relation of natural law to speculative reason and human ends (teleology), the relationship between natural law and natural theology, the so-called naturalistic fallacy (deriving "ought" from "is"), and the scope of natural knowledge of the precepts of the natural law, as well as possible limits on it. It also takes up certain historical and contemporary questions, such as the various stances of Protestant thinkers toward natural law, the place of natural law in contemporary U.S. legal thought, and the relationship between natural law and liberal political thought more generally. It brings together a number of the leading exponents of a more traditional or classical form of natural law thought, who claim to root their arguments within the broader philosophy of Thomas Aquinas more deeply than other major representatives of the natural law tradition today.

Why cities often cope better than nations with today's lightning-fast changes.The British Empire declined decades ago, but London remains one of the world's preeminent centers of finance, commerce, and political discourse. London is just one of the global cities assuming greater importance in the post-cold war world even as many national governments struggle to meet the needs of their citizens. Global Political Cities shows how and why cities are re-asserting their historic role at the forefront of international economic and political life. The book focuses on fifteen major cities across Europe, Asia, and the United States, including New York, London, Tokyo, Brussels, Seoul, Geneva, and Hong Kong, not to mention Beijing and Washington, D.C. In addition to highlighting the achievements of high-profile mayors, the book chronicles the growing influence of think tanks, mass media, and other global agenda setters, in their local urban political settings. It also shows how these cities serve in the Internet age as the global stage for grassroots appeals and protests of international significance. Global Political Cities shows why cities cope much better than nations with many global problems and how their strengths can help transform both nations and the broader world in future. The book offers important insights for students of both international and comparative political economy; diplomats and other government officials; executives of businesses with global reach; and general readers interested in how the world is changing around them.

The world's governing structures are higgledy-piggledy: disorderly, heads and tails in any or every direction. Such disorder fosters deficient governance. Decisions by noncooperating nations can generate damaging crossborder outcomes. Muddles destabilize mutual well-being.Public debate is often mired in superficial arguments about "globalization." This insightful book by economist Ralph C. Bryant instead emphasizes that the world's nations need to craft better middle-ground compromises to improve governance and manage increasing integration. Individual nations, Bryant argues, should fashion a balance between local autonomy and external openness, avoiding the extremes of rigid localism and unfettered openness. And nations need to act together collectively. Cooperative governance can encourage orderliness that mitigates disarray undermining mutual goals. The global challenge of the coronavirus pandemic is a vivid reminderthat international cooperation is becoming progressively more essential. Do nations and their leaders have sufficient foresight to use borders not as barriers but as catalysts for international cooperation? Could national migration policies find sustainable middle ground between the unrealistic extreme of unfettered freedom for people to cross borders and the inhumane exclusion of foreign refugees? Could augmented cross-border cooperation mitigate dangers from recurring financial instability? Could the world community foster collective actions to reduce the severe risks of global climate change? The answer to such questions can and should be yes. Wiser cross-border collective action nurtures a mutually supportive order offsetting the threats of disorder that may otherwise prevail. A healthy evolution of our planet requires requires! more orderly national governance and more ambitious cross-border cooperation.

The only text that fully combines coverage of legal systems with academic and professional legal skills. Coupled with the focus on employability and commercial awareness, Legal Systems & Skills is the essential contemporary toolkit for law students. Legal Systems & Skills speaks directly to students - encouraging, engaging, and enthusing at all times. It is accessible, with a clear writing style and a wide range of pedagogical features to help students to apply their knowledge practically. Learn how law works * Students get to grips with all the essential topics of English legal system, think about different perspectives, and understand their implications. * Clear, no-nonsense explanations, supported by annotated documents, flowcharts and diagrams that provide a visual representation of concepts and processes, build students' confidence. Develop the essential skills * Students are equipped with the tools they need to thrive in their academic studies and in subsequent employment. Students are encouraged to become adept researchers, nimble problem-solvers, dexterous writers, and competent communicators. * Topics such as negotiation and mediation, presentations, and client meetings introduce students to the professional skills essential for progression into both legal practice and other professional careers. * Commentary helping students engage with assessment criteria and develop their critical thinking skills. Apply them to succeed * Students are encouraged to reflect on and actively improve their commercial awareness through case studies and activities. Targeted coverage of employability, practise interview questions, CV development, and transferrable skills help students to approach their future careers with confidence and communicate their own competencies effectively. * 'Practical exercises' throughout provide opportunities to take a hands-on approach to tackling a wide range of legal skills. * 'What the professionals say' boxes bring in voices from across the world of legal services and other professions, including comments from barristers, solicitors, CEOs, solicitors' paralegals, and librarians. Digital formats and resources This fourth edition is available for students and institutions to purchase in a variety of formats, and is suppported by online resources. - The e-book offers a mobile experience and convenient access along with functionality tools, navigation features and links that offer extra learning support: www.oxfordtextbooks.co.uk/ebooks - The online resources that support the book include: - Self-test multiple choice questions - The authors' guidance to answering the practical exercises in each chapter - Sample interview questions to help students identify which areas of commercial awareness they need to focus on - A library of web links that direct students to useful websites and relevant media