This dispassionate analysis of the legal implications of non-international armed conflicts explores the rules regulating the conduct of internal hostilities, as well as the consequences of intervention by foreign States, the role of the UN Security Council, the effects of recognition, State responsibility for wrongdoing by both Governments and insurgents, the interface with the law of human rights and the notion of war crimes. The author addresses both conceptual and specific issues, such as the complexities of 'failing' States or the recruitment and use of child soldiers. He makes use of the extensive case law of international courts and tribunals, in order to identify and set out customary international law. Much attention is also given to the contents of available treaty texts. This new updated edition takes into account the latest events in terms of the practice of States, judicial pronouncements and UN Security Council resolutions.

The use of indicators as a technique of global governance is increasing rapidly. Major examples include the World Bank's Doing Business Indicators, the World Bank's Good Governance and Rule of Law indicators, the Millennium Development Goals, and the indicators produced by Transparency International. Human rights indicators are being developed in the UN and regional and advocacy organizations. The burgeoning production and use of indicators has not, however, been accompanied by systematic comparative study of, or reflection on, the implications, possibilities, and pitfalls of this practice.
This book furthers the study of these issues by examining the production and history of indicators, as well as relationships between the producers, users, subjects, and audiences of indicators. It also explores the creation, use, and effects of indicators as forms of knowledge and as mechanisms of making and implementing decisions in global governance. Using insights from case studies, empirical work, and theoretical approaches from several disciplines, the book identifies legal, policy, and normative implications of the production and use of indicators as a tool of global governance.

Why do states delegate certain tasks and responsibilities to international organizations rather than acting unilaterally or cooperating directly? Furthermore, to what extent do states continue to control IOs once authority has been delegated? Examining a variety of different institutions including the World Trade Organization, the United Nations and the European Commission, this book explores the different methods that states employ to ensure their interests are being served, and identifies the problems involved with monitoring and managing IOs. The contributors suggest that it is not inherently more difficult to design effective delegation mechanisms at international level than at domestic level and, drawing on principal-agent theory, help explain the variations that exist in the extent to which states are willing to delegate to IOs. They argue that IOs are neither all evil nor all virtuous, but are better understood as bureaucracies that can be controlled to varying degrees by their political masters.

The volumes included in The Collected Documents of The Group of 77 at the United Nations provide a chronological record of events and documents of the Group of 77 since its creation in 1963. The Fourth Volume brings together for the first time a selection of policy statements, common position papers and other major documents by the Group of 77 relating to environment and sustainable development.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is often accused of, at best, not paying enough attention to human rights or, at worst, facilitating and perpetuating human rights abuses. This book weighs these criticisms and examines their validity, incorporating legal arguments as well as some economic and political science perspectives. After introducing the respective WTO and human rights regimes, and discussing their legal and normative relationship to each other, the book presents a detailed analysis of the main human rights concerns relating to the WTO. These include the alleged democratic deficit within the Organization and the impact of WTO rules on the right to health, labour rights, the right to food, and on questions of poverty and development. Given that some of the most important issues within the WTO concern its impact on poor people within developing States, the book asks whether rich States have an obligation to the people of poorer States to construct a fairer trading system that better facilitates the alleviation of poverty and development. Against this background, the book examines the current Doha round proposals as well as suggestions for reform of the WTO to make it more 'human rights-friendly'.

This comprehensively revised and updated edition offers an introduction to international organizations (IO) theory in the field of IR. It looks at the different ways in which IOs are studied and then applies these different modes to a variety of specific case studies. The book is written as a primer for students studying global governance and IR theory. It highlights analytic tools available to understand what IOs are designed to do, how they work, what effects they have, and how to design them better. It goes beyond simple questions of whether IOs matter, and looks at the ways in which the different analytical tools developed within the rubric of IO theory are useful for answering different questions about the role of IOs in international politics.

This book examines the way international court judges are chosen. Focusing principally on the judicial selection procedures of the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court, it provides the first detailed examination of how the selection process works in practice at national and international levels: what factors determine whether a state will nominate a candidate? How is a candidate identified? What factors influence success or failure? What are the respective roles of merit, politics, and other considerations in the nomination and election process?
The research was based on interviews, case studies and survey data in a range of different states. It concludes that although the nature and quality of nomination and election processes vary widely, a common theme indicates the powerful influence of domestic and international political considerations, and the significant role of a small group of diplomats, civil servants, lawyers, and academics, often without transparency or accountability. The processes allow overt political considerations to be introduced throughout the decision-making process in ways that may detract from the selection of the most highly qualified candidates and, ultimately, undermine independence. This is particularly evident in the election campaigning that has become a defining feature of the selection process, accompanied by widespread vote trading and reciprocal agreements between states. The effect of these practices is often to undermine the role of statutory selection criteria and to favour candidates from more politically powerful states. The book reviews new judicial selection models adopted or proposed in other international and regional courts, and considers a number of proposals for change to promote more independent, transparent, and merit-based nomination and election procedures.

This book explores the involvement of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the issue area of environmental and disaster displacement. In considering both agencies' historical involvement, their response to Typhoon Haiyan, and first-hand accounts from both agency staff and other experts, this book outlines how inter-agency involvement in the issue area has been categorised by (real or imagined) divisions; of agency structures and mandates, activities, and even personalities. While historically inherited differences exist, environmental and disaster displacement has led to a converging of agency roles and amplified tensions, at a time when cooperation is most critical.

In the last decades, violent non-state actors (VNSAs) such as rebel and terrorist organizations have proved their capacity to break international law. The international community, particularly the United Nations (UN), has reacted to this development by redirecting its conflict resolution efforts to these non-state entities. This has turned targeted sanctions into one of the most vital and indispensable foreign policy tools available to the UN Security Council in combating terrorism and contributing to the peaceful resolution of (intra-state) conflicts. Despite the UN Security Council's growing tendency to sanction VNSAs, there has been little research analyzing the effects of UN targeted sanctions on these non-government actors. This book seeks to fill this gap and shifts the focus on non-state actors by ascertaining the general mechanisms through and conditions under which UN targeted sanctions imposed on VNSAs tend to be effective. The tripartite empirical analysis combining quantitative and qualitative research methods demonstrates that the state-centric understanding of how sanctions work is not simply applicable to the effective sanctioning of violent non-state actors such as rebel and terrorist movements.

This timely book explores economic, political, social, and cultural impacts of the COVID-19. It aims to reveal a future world shaped by the worldwide pandemic. The main content of this book is divided into 5 parts: the pandemic-a short sketch of the pandemic through 2020, the acceleration of the global power transition: from East to West, comparison between authoritarian and democratic in the pandemic era, global international organizations under the COVID-19 influence, and regional international organizations under the COVID-19 influence. In addition, this book also analyzes the impacts from two aspects: the changes of the world order and the repercussions for international organizations and globalization. Three questions will be focused: How the pandemic has changed the existing world order? What the new post-pandemic world order will be? How international cooperation has been affected and will be affected? This book is a comprehensive study that investigates the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the political implication on international organizations. It would not only inspire readers to think about impacts of the outbreak of COVID-19 from economic and political perspectives, but also encourage readers to have a deeper understanding of the global political pattern and potential changes of world order after the pandemic. Therefore, the intended readership not only includes the academics but also includes pro-academics. The academic audiences include university and college scholars (especially those majoring in history, political sciences, economics, and international relations), teachers, and administrative staff at the undergraduate, graduate, postgraduate, and Ph.D. levels, as well as study centers and research institutes and campus and public libraries. The pro-academic groups include civil servants, especially scholarly bureaucrats and technocrats; white collar and middle-class citizens interested in reading, especially those interested in and concerned about current affairs; and international business elites. The most important feature of this book is that it points out the COVID-19 pandemic has been shaping the world order. It also shows in the coming post-pandemic world, the United States would maintain the position of superpower while the still rising China is likely to share some responsibilities in constructing a new multi-polar world with US and other powers. The prevailing of unilateralism will heavily constrain the role of international organizations.

This book provides the first comprehensive and authoritative account of the events leading up to the UK seeking a massive loan from the IMF in 1976 which almost precipitated a financial crisis on a par with those of the 1930's and early post War period. Sir Douglas Wass, who was permanent Secretary to the Treasury at the time, provides a unique first hand account of the events that took place as the crisis unfolded and the decision-making process. Bringing unrivalled experience and knowledge of Whitehall to the narrative, he draws on recently released documents such as official Treasury minutes, memoranda, official statements and reports, IMF documents and blends them with his own assessment of this key period of policy making to provide a fascinating, blow-by-blow account of how the Treasury reacted when faced with a series of inter-locking crises. Decline to Fall will be a must read for anyone interested in the formulation of policy and the workings of government.

This book explores post-Soviet Eurasian regional security governance, as embedded in the military alliance of Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). CSTO was established in 2002 and consists of six post-Soviet countries: Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Moving studies of regional security governance beyond the so-called Eurocentrism trend expressed, inter alia, via the focus on Western military alliance, such as NATO, this book examines CSTO as a new, post-Soviet form of regional security cooperation by looking at the reasons and drivers behind the establishment of the post-Soviet Eurasian security governance; the organization's institutional design; the military capabilities of its member states; the degree of the members' integration within the alliance; the cooperation pattern adopted by CSTO members; as well as the effect and effectiveness of this military alliance.

Focal Points in Negotiation is the first work of its kind to analyze the use of focal points beyond the controlled setting of the laboratory or the stylized context of mathematical game theory, in the real world of negotiation. It demonstrates that there are many more ways focal points influence real life situations than the specific, predetermined roles ascribed to them by game theory and rational choice. The book establishes this by identifying the numerous different, often decisive, modes in which focal points function in the various phases of complex negotiations. In doing so, it also demonstrates the necessity of a thorough understanding of focal points for mediators, negotiators, and others. A scholarly work in nature, Focal Points in Negotiation is also suitable for use in the classroom and accessible for a multidisciplinary audience.

An engaging introduction to the core concepts, theories, actors and issues in global politics. Featuring a combination of chapters authored by leading scholars, researchers and practitioners from around the world, this textbook takes into account the historical development of international relations and the web of dynamics that forms the subject, resulting in a clear analysis of the field from a variety of perspectives. Chapters cover topics including race, colonialism, gender, sexuality, digital globalization, the environment and security studies and are supported by a range of case studies, key boxes and illustrative material to aid students in their practical application of theoretical ideas. The book is also complimented by a bespoke curated website, featuring a regularly updated collection of interactive learning material and hosted on E-International Relations, the world's leading open access IR website. Portraying the most compelling issues of our time, and presenting the necessary tools to analyse and debate the subject, this is an invaluable resource for anyone studying international relations.

The First World War threw the imperial order into crisis. New states emerged from the great European land empires, while Germany's African and Pacific colonies, and the Ottoman provinces in the Middle East fell into allied hands. Britain, France, Belgium, Japan, and the British dominions wanted to keep the new states, but Woodrow Wilson and the millions converted to the ideal of self-determination thought otherwise. At the Paris Peace conference of 1919, the allies agreed reluctantly to govern their new conquests according to international and humanitarian norms and under 'mandate' from the League of Nations. As The Guardians shows, this decision had enormous consequences. The allies sought to use the League to safeguard imperial authority, but that authority was undermined by the mechanisms for international oversight they had themselves created. Colonial nationalists and humanitarians exploited new rights of petition or opportunities for publicity to expose abuses or scandals; Germans resentful of the loss of their colonies and Italians eager to found a new empire arrived in Geneva to demand a repartition of the spoils. As imperial politicians wearied of continual scandals and crises - revolts in South West Africa, Syria, Samoa, and Palestine; famine in Rwanda; labour abuses in New Guinea; extortionate oil contracts in Iraq - they began to question whether independent states might be easier to deal with than territories subject to international scrutiny. Drawing on research in four continents and dozens of archives, and bringing to life a global network of nationalists, humanitarians, international bureaucrats, and imperial statesmen, The Guardians offers an entirely new interpretation of the importance of international organizations in the emergence of the modern world order.

According to its Constitution, the mission of the World Health Organization (WHO) was nothing less than the 'attainment by all peoples of the highest possible level of health' without distinction of race, religion, political belief, economic status, or social condition. But how consistently and how well has the WHO pursued this mission since 1946? This comprehensive and engaging new history explores these questions by looking at its origins and its institutional antecedents, while also considering its contemporary and future roles. It examines how the WHO was shaped by the particular environments of the postwar period and the Cold War, the relative influence of the US and other approaches to healthcare, and its place alongside sometimes competing international bodies such as UNICEF, the World Bank, and the Gates Foundation. The authors re-evaluate the relative success and failure of critical WHO campaigns, from early malaria and smallpox eradication programs to struggles with Ebola today.

La mediation internationale est a la fois un art et une science. Cette etude se concentrera sur la mediation politique en tant que moyen de reglement d'un conflit violent, mettant ainsi fin au conflit et en permettant a la tierce partie mandatee d'aider les parties a trouver des structures et des strategies nouvelles ou de differents mecanismes pour traiter leurs griefs sous-jacents. Sur la base de 5 phases distinctes, le guide tentera d'illustrer et de demontrer les mecanismes generaux du processus de mediation, demarrant avece le debut du processus de mediation jusqu'a l'atteinte d'un resultat satisfaisant et obtenu par le biais de la mediation. Enfin, une etude de cas complexe sur la mediation au Soudan sera utilisee pour valider le modele de mediation presente dans ce guide. Einfin, Le manuel se terminera avec des lecons cles tirees du cas et par des reflexions finales d'ensemble. En tant que tel, il est dedie a informer le curieux, a servir en tant que tome de reflexion pour le praticien plus erudit et a stimuler la conception et l'innovation de l'analyste politique pour contribuer a l'etablissement d'une epistemologie fondamentale de la mediation.

The Court of Justice of the European Union is the busiest court in the world. The second edition of this textbook explores why this is. It examines in detail the interactions between European Union and national institutions, instruments, laws and concepts that make up this unique legal order. It explains the core constitutional and substantive principles that underpin the European Union legal order, and introduces EU law in a detailed, comprehensive way which is both enjoyable and clear to read. It offers an up-to-date and accessible analysis of EU law and avoids technical jargon, providing informed insights on an exciting but challenging subject. Combining a historical perspective with up-to-date examples, it aims to help students appreciate how EU law developed and its continued significance in day-to-day life. This updated edition features new coverage on free movement, online resources plus additional chapters on Article 50 and EU law in the UK after Brexit.

This Open Access book explains ASEAN's strategic role in managing great power politics in East Asia. Constructing a theory of institutional strategy, this book argues that the regional security institutions in Southeast Asia, ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions have devised their own institutional strategies vis-a-vis the South China Sea and navigated the great-power politics since the 1990s. ASEAN proliferated new security institutions in the 1990s and 2000s that assumed a different functionality, a different geopolitical scope, and thus a different institutional strategy. In so doing, ASEAN formed a "strategic institutional web" that nurtured a quasi-division of labor among the institutions to maintain relative stability in the South China Sea. Unlike the conventional analysis on ASEAN, this study disaggregates "ASEAN" as a collective regional actor into specific individual institutions-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, ASEAN Summit, ASEAN-China dialogues, ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit, and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting-Plus-and explains how each of these institutions has devised and/or shifted its institutional strategy to curb great powers' ambition in dominating the South China Sea while navigating great power competition. The book sheds light on the strategic potential and limitations of ASEAN and ASEAN-led security institutions, offers implications for the future role of ASEAN in the Indo-Pacific region, and provides an alternative understanding of the strategic utilities of regional security institutions.

This book examines the sanction regimes imposed by the United States, the European Union, and the United Nations against Russia, Iran, and North Korea. While the application of sanctions as a foreign policy tool has developed considerably, particularly over the last three decades, their empirically verifiable effects remain contested. Based on detailed empirical evidence, this book investigates the dynamic nature of individual sanctions measures, their multi-layered objectives as a foreign policy tool, their effects on the targeted economies and governments, and how targeted states respond to them. Furthermore, it offers a rare comparative perspective. The book presents a concise summary of the most important aspects and describes some key characteristics that could improve the use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool. This book will appeal to researchers, scholars, and students of international relations, as well as practitioners and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the effects of sanction regimes and the improvement of sanctions as a foreign policy tool.

International Organizations (IOs) are important actors within global social governance. They provide forums for exchange, contention and cooperation about social policies. Our knowledge about the involvement of IOs varies significantly by policy fields, and we know comparatively little about the specific roles of IOs in social policies. This volume enhances and systematizes our understanding of IOs in global social governance. It provides studies on a variety of social policy fields in which different, but also the same, IOs operate. The chapters shed light on IO involvement in a particular social policy field by describing the population of participating IOs; exploring how a particular global social policy field is constituted as a whole, and which dominant IOs set the trends. The contributors also examine the discourse within, and between, these IOs on the respective social policies. As such, this first-of-its kind book contributes to research on social policy and international relations, both in terms of theoretical substantiation and empirical scope.

This volume analyzes international agreements from a political economy perspective. In four essays, it raises the question of whether domestic institutions help explain if countries join international agreements, and in case they do, what type of international organization they join. The book examines how specific democratic design elements channel and mediate domestic demands directed at politicians, and how under certain circumstances entering international agreements helps politicians navigate these demands to their benefit. The volume also distinguishes between different types of international instruments with a varying expected constraining effect upon member states, and empirically tests if this matters for incentives to join. The volume addresses scholars, students, and practitioners interested in a better understanding of how the shape of domestic institutions affects politicians' incentives to enter into binding international agreements.

This timely book is the first to examine in depth the governance needs of the world economy and polity. It evaluates the experience of institutions, with a focus on the UN, the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO, to sketch the contours of reform and change necessary in the existing system. It analyses issues of emerging significance, such as global macroeconomic management, transnational corporations, international capital movements, and cross-border movements of people, to suggest that there are some missing institutions which are needed.

Das Buch analysiert acht menschenrechtliche Vertrage und Landerberichte der Vereinten Nationen (UN) aus 16 muslimischen Landern. Die Berichte belegen, dass muslimische Fluchtlinge den Scharia-Vorbehalt mitbringen, weil sie in islamischen Gesellschaften sozialisiert wurden. UN-Gremien versehen Landerberichte mit Empfehlungen. Teilweise erfolgen Antworten nur noch auf Arabisch. Scharia-Vorbehalte mit Hilfe der Vienna Convention auszuraumen, ist nicht gelungen, weil sich die Verantwortlichen nicht bemuhen, Arabisch oder die Scharia zu verstehen. Ein gemeinsamer Anknupfungspunkt ware die Sunnah des Propheten. Danach soll islamisches Recht jedes Jahrhundert an seine Gesellschaft angepasst werden, ohne die islamische Legitimitat zu verletzen. Einander zuhoeren, voneinander lernen ist fundamental. Die Idee von Arbeit und Ausbildung in europaischen Kloestern auch fur muslimische Fluchtlinge ist visionar fur eine religionsoffene Gesellschaft im 21. Jahrhundert.

How did democratic developing countries open their economies during the late-twentieth century? Since labor unions opposed free trade, democratic governments often used labor repression to ease the process of trade liberalization. Some democracies brazenly jailed union leaders and used police brutality to break the strikes that unions launched against such reforms. Others weakened labor union opposition through subtler tactics, such as banning strikes and retaliating against striking workers. Either way, this book argues that democratic developing countries were more likely to open their economies if they violated labor rights. Opening Up By Cracking Down draws on fieldwork interviews and archival research on Argentina, Mexico, Bolivia, Turkey, and India, as well as quantitative analysis of data from over one hundred developing countries to places labor unions and labor repression at the heart of the debate over democracy and trade liberalization in developing countries.