Sovereignty and the sovereign state are often seen as anachronisms; Globalization and Sovereignty challenges this view. Jean L. Cohen analyzes the new sovereignty regime emergent since the 1990s evidenced by the discourses and practice of human rights, humanitarian intervention, transformative occupation, and the UN targeted sanctions regime that blacklists alleged terrorists. Presenting a systematic theory of sovereignty and its transformation in international law and politics, Cohen argues for the continued importance of sovereign equality. She offers a theory of a dualistic world order comprised of an international society of states, and a global political community in which human rights and global governance institutions affect the law, policies, and political culture of sovereign states. She advocates the constitutionalization of these institutions, within the framework of constitutional pluralism. This book will appeal to students of international political theory and law, political scientists, sociologists, legal historians, and theorists of constitutionalism.

This book focuses on the concept of state responsibility for international crimes which gained support following the First World War, but was pushed into the background by the development of the principle of individual criminal responsibility under international law after the Second World War. The concept became the topic of debate and controversy upon its inclusion in Part I of the United Nations International Law Commission's Draft Articles on State Responsibility adopted on first reading in 1980. The book considers the history and merits of a concept which, it is argued, is currently on the threshold between lex ferenda and lex lata and has a place and an existence in international law independent from the Draft Articles on State Responsibility.

This comprehensively revised and updated edition offers an introduction to international organizations (IO) theory in the field of IR. It looks at the different ways in which IOs are studied and then applies these different modes to a variety of specific case studies. The book is written as a primer for students studying global governance and IR theory. It highlights analytic tools available to understand what IOs are designed to do, how they work, what effects they have, and how to design them better. It goes beyond simple questions of whether IOs matter, and looks at the ways in which the different analytical tools developed within the rubric of IO theory are useful for answering different questions about the role of IOs in international politics.

This book examines the sanction regimes imposed by the United States, the European Union, and the United Nations against Russia, Iran, and North Korea. While the application of sanctions as a foreign policy tool has developed considerably, particularly over the last three decades, their empirically verifiable effects remain contested. Based on detailed empirical evidence, this book investigates the dynamic nature of individual sanctions measures, their multi-layered objectives as a foreign policy tool, their effects on the targeted economies and governments, and how targeted states respond to them. Furthermore, it offers a rare comparative perspective. The book presents a concise summary of the most important aspects and describes some key characteristics that could improve the use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool. This book will appeal to researchers, scholars, and students of international relations, as well as practitioners and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the effects of sanction regimes and the improvement of sanctions as a foreign policy tool.

The Court of Justice of the European Union is the busiest court in the world. The second edition of this textbook explores why this is. It examines in detail the interactions between European Union and national institutions, instruments, laws and concepts that make up this unique legal order. It explains the core constitutional and substantive principles that underpin the European Union legal order, and introduces EU law in a detailed, comprehensive way which is both enjoyable and clear to read. It offers an up-to-date and accessible analysis of EU law and avoids technical jargon, providing informed insights on an exciting but challenging subject. Combining a historical perspective with up-to-date examples, it aims to help students appreciate how EU law developed and its continued significance in day-to-day life. This updated edition features new coverage on free movement, online resources plus additional chapters on Article 50 and EU law in the UK after Brexit.

This book explores the involvement of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the issue area of environmental and disaster displacement. In considering both agencies' historical involvement, their response to Typhoon Haiyan, and first-hand accounts from both agency staff and other experts, this book outlines how inter-agency involvement in the issue area has been categorised by (real or imagined) divisions; of agency structures and mandates, activities, and even personalities. While historically inherited differences exist, environmental and disaster displacement has led to a converging of agency roles and amplified tensions, at a time when cooperation is most critical.

This timely book explores economic, political, social, and cultural impacts of the COVID-19. It aims to reveal a future world shaped by the worldwide pandemic. The main content of this book is divided into 5 parts: the pandemic-a short sketch of the pandemic through 2020, the acceleration of the global power transition: from East to West, comparison between authoritarian and democratic in the pandemic era, global international organizations under the COVID-19 influence, and regional international organizations under the COVID-19 influence. In addition, this book also analyzes the impacts from two aspects: the changes of the world order and the repercussions for international organizations and globalization. Three questions will be focused: How the pandemic has changed the existing world order? What the new post-pandemic world order will be? How international cooperation has been affected and will be affected? This book is a comprehensive study that investigates the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the political implication on international organizations. It would not only inspire readers to think about impacts of the outbreak of COVID-19 from economic and political perspectives, but also encourage readers to have a deeper understanding of the global political pattern and potential changes of world order after the pandemic. Therefore, the intended readership not only includes the academics but also includes pro-academics. The academic audiences include university and college scholars (especially those majoring in history, political sciences, economics, and international relations), teachers, and administrative staff at the undergraduate, graduate, postgraduate, and Ph.D. levels, as well as study centers and research institutes and campus and public libraries. The pro-academic groups include civil servants, especially scholarly bureaucrats and technocrats; white collar and middle-class citizens interested in reading, especially those interested in and concerned about current affairs; and international business elites. The most important feature of this book is that it points out the COVID-19 pandemic has been shaping the world order. It also shows in the coming post-pandemic world, the United States would maintain the position of superpower while the still rising China is likely to share some responsibilities in constructing a new multi-polar world with US and other powers. The prevailing of unilateralism will heavily constrain the role of international organizations.

This book explores post-Soviet Eurasian regional security governance, as embedded in the military alliance of Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). CSTO was established in 2002 and consists of six post-Soviet countries: Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Moving studies of regional security governance beyond the so-called Eurocentrism trend expressed, inter alia, via the focus on Western military alliance, such as NATO, this book examines CSTO as a new, post-Soviet form of regional security cooperation by looking at the reasons and drivers behind the establishment of the post-Soviet Eurasian security governance; the organization's institutional design; the military capabilities of its member states; the degree of the members' integration within the alliance; the cooperation pattern adopted by CSTO members; as well as the effect and effectiveness of this military alliance.

This volume analyzes international agreements from a political economy perspective. In four essays, it raises the question of whether domestic institutions help explain if countries join international agreements, and in case they do, what type of international organization they join. The book examines how specific democratic design elements channel and mediate domestic demands directed at politicians, and how under certain circumstances entering international agreements helps politicians navigate these demands to their benefit. The volume also distinguishes between different types of international instruments with a varying expected constraining effect upon member states, and empirically tests if this matters for incentives to join. The volume addresses scholars, students, and practitioners interested in a better understanding of how the shape of domestic institutions affects politicians' incentives to enter into binding international agreements.

This Open Access book explains ASEAN's strategic role in managing great power politics in East Asia. Constructing a theory of institutional strategy, this book argues that the regional security institutions in Southeast Asia, ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions have devised their own institutional strategies vis-a-vis the South China Sea and navigated the great-power politics since the 1990s. ASEAN proliferated new security institutions in the 1990s and 2000s that assumed a different functionality, a different geopolitical scope, and thus a different institutional strategy. In so doing, ASEAN formed a "strategic institutional web" that nurtured a quasi-division of labor among the institutions to maintain relative stability in the South China Sea. Unlike the conventional analysis on ASEAN, this study disaggregates "ASEAN" as a collective regional actor into specific individual institutions-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, ASEAN Summit, ASEAN-China dialogues, ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit, and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting-Plus-and explains how each of these institutions has devised and/or shifted its institutional strategy to curb great powers' ambition in dominating the South China Sea while navigating great power competition. The book sheds light on the strategic potential and limitations of ASEAN and ASEAN-led security institutions, offers implications for the future role of ASEAN in the Indo-Pacific region, and provides an alternative understanding of the strategic utilities of regional security institutions.

China's vision for international order is a matter of great global interest. This book analyses China's vision for foreign policy and how it is seeking to achieve its goals with its immediate neighbours. The book provides a historically informed account by examining the legacy of China's imperial past and traditional political philosophy, giving insights into the country's view of its place in today's world. It argues that China today sees the maintenance of order as its own responsibility and that it believes this order needs to attribute different roles to 'small' and 'big' states to ensure stability. Furthermore, it explores the different tools China employs to achieve its vision, including a proactive diplomacy, the control of international discourse, threat of punishment for 'misbehaviour', and the promise of economic benefits in return for compliance.

This pivot introduces the Arctic Council and its role as a platform for dealing with local, national, regional and global challenges of relevance to the "new" Arctic. Against the backdrop of climate change and increasing commercial activity, it considers what a future Arctic should look like, from ideas of total protection to expansive oil and gas extraction. It examines the Arctic's position on the political agenda, from Norway's High North hype to a more peripheral place in the foreign policy of the US and explores the Council's role as an important international forum for dialogue and cooperation on Arctic challenges and opportunities, and a significant arena for developing knowledge and learning about a changing region.

This book focuses on how Indonesian civil society organisations interact with ASEAN to shape human rights institutionalisation in the region. Using Bourdieu-inspired constructivist IR as an analytical lens, the book argues that there are pre-reflexive norms that dominate the field of interaction in the region that shape the way civil society organisations operate. This has resulted in the diverging advocacy practices, thus complicating human rights institutionalisation process in ASEAN.

Drawing on insights from differentiation theory, this book examines the participation of middle powers in multilateralism. Taking Australia, Indonesia and South Korea as examples, the book examines these countries' roles in regional organizations, and particularly during the creation of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and East Asia Summit. Through its analysis, the book argues that middle powers pursue dilution of major power stratificatory forces, as well as functionally differentiated roles for themselves in multilateral diplomacy. The book sets out a valuable new framework to explain and understand the behaviour of middle powers in multilateralism.

In the last decades, violent non-state actors (VNSAs) such as rebel and terrorist organizations have proved their capacity to break international law. The international community, particularly the United Nations (UN), has reacted to this development by redirecting its conflict resolution efforts to these non-state entities. This has turned targeted sanctions into one of the most vital and indispensable foreign policy tools available to the UN Security Council in combating terrorism and contributing to the peaceful resolution of (intra-state) conflicts. Despite the UN Security Council's growing tendency to sanction VNSAs, there has been little research analyzing the effects of UN targeted sanctions on these non-government actors. This book seeks to fill this gap and shifts the focus on non-state actors by ascertaining the general mechanisms through and conditions under which UN targeted sanctions imposed on VNSAs tend to be effective. The tripartite empirical analysis combining quantitative and qualitative research methods demonstrates that the state-centric understanding of how sanctions work is not simply applicable to the effective sanctioning of violent non-state actors such as rebel and terrorist movements.

'Structural adjustment' has been a central part of the development strategy for the 'third world'. Loans made by the World Bank and the IMF have been conditional on developing countries pursuing rapid economic liberalization programmes as it was believed this would strengthen their economies in the long run. M. Rodwan Abouharb and David Cingranelli argue that, conversely, structural adjustment agreements usually cause increased hardship for the poor, greater civil conflict, and more repression of human rights, therefore resulting in a lower rate of economic development. Greater exposure to structural adjustment has increased the prevalence of anti-government protests, riots and rebellion. It has led to less respect for economic and social rights, physical integrity rights, and worker rights, but more respect for democratic rights. Based on these findings, the authors recommend a human rights-based approach to economic development.

This book offers a general framework for a better understanding of the differences and similarities between the institutional rules of intergovernmental organizations that include parliamentary elements, and analyzes the role of various types of international parliamentary assemblies in the system of global governance, as well as insights into the process known as "parliamentarization of international organizations." Firstly, it presents a case study of various types of international parliamentary assemblies, which is then used to analyze the law of particular international organizations that include parliamentary assemblies or relate to them. Secondly, the book compares two parliamentary assemblies of international organizations - the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE PA) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) - in terms of structure, powers, and relations with their IGOs. It also investigates the activities of assemblies and their cooperations for the purpose to explore the positive effects of the work of international parliamentary assemblies and their potential for having an impact at the national level. Lastly, the book analyzes the tangible and desirable powers of international assemblies by comparing examples of existing international parliamentary assemblies with the UN Parliamentary Assembly project. Based on that, the author compiles a list of essential requirements and principles for effective international parliamentary assemblies.

This book analyses the fifteen-year-long strategic partnership between NATO and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The book goes on to address several key questions raised in the year since the inception of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI): Is the initiative a framework for consultation on Gulf and regional security issues? Is it a security initiative or a defensive one? Even more importantly, how was this initiative developed? Was there a mutual eagerness, on the part of NATO or that of the four Gulf States, to develop it? Is it possible for the initiative to be redeveloped and have other dimensions and outlooks in the future? Throughout the book, the author provides a comprehensive understanding and assessment of NATO's policies and their impact on the security of the Arab Gulf region.

This book introduces the Original Nation scholarship to examine the historical genealogy of the nation's struggles against the state. A fundamentally different portrait of history, geography, politics, and the role of law emerges when the perspective of the nation and peoples is placed at the center of geopolitical analysis of global affairs. In contrast to traditional and canonical state-centric narratives, the Original Nation scholarship offers a diametrically distinct "on-the-ground" and "bottom-up" portrait of the struggle, resistance, and defiance of the nation and peoples. It exposes persistent global patterns of genocide, ecocide, and ethnocide that have resulted from attempts by the state to occupy, suppress, exploit, and destroy the nation. The Original Nation scholarship offers a powerful and widely applicable intellectual tool to examine the history of resilience, emancipatory struggles, and collective efforts to build a vibrant alternative world among the nation and peoples across the globe.

War has returned to Europe, and NATO stands at the forefront of the response to Russia's aggression in Ukraine. But how does NATO function? How do NATO member states perceive and act through the Atlantic Alliance? And ultimately how do states shape NATO's cohesion and relevance in the face of threats? The Nations of NATO explores national policies within the Atlantic Alliance. It examines the foreign policies of 16 allies, focusing on issues such as their strategic cultures, relationship with the United States, contributions to NATO operations, levels of defence spending, domestic challenges, and decision-making processes. The recent crisis in Ukraine has without doubt reinvigorated NATO as a military alliance, but over the last decade it has also been affected by a number of challenges, both endogenous and exogenous. Whether the Alliance is threatened from the outside (Russia, terrorism, China) or is being undermined from within (intra-Alliance politics, diverging threat perceptions) has become an increasingly debated issue. The degree to which the Alliance can adapt to evolving threats has also been at stake. At the heart of these debates are NATO allies' policies, preferences, threat perceptions, and level of commitment to the shared enterprise. By analysing the drivers, constraints, and specificities of relevant national policies, the volume offers an overview of NATO's contemporary functions and challenges, and constitutes an important source of data for future research and comparative analysis.

Since they were pioneered in the 1970s by Robert Keohane and others, the broad range of neoliberal institutionalist theories of international relations have grown in importance. In an increasingly globalized world, the realist and neorealist focus on states, military power, conflict, and anarchy has more and more given way to a recognition of the importance of nonstate actors, nonmilitary forms of power, interdependence, international institutions, and cooperation. Drawing together a group of leading international relations theorists, this book explores the frontiers of new research on the role of such forces in world politics.

The topics explored in these chapters include the uneven role of peacekeepers in civil wars, the success of human rights treaties in promoting women's rights, the disproportionate power of developing countries in international environmental policy negotiations, and the prospects for Asian regional cooperation. While all of the chapters demonstrate the empirical and theoretical vitality of liberal and institutionalist theories, they also highlight weaknesses that should drive future research and influence the reform of foreign policy and international organizations.

In addition to the editors, the contributors are Vinod Aggarawal, Jonathan Aronson, Elizabeth DeSombre, Page Fortna, Michael Gilligan, Lisa Martin, Timothy McKeown, Ronald Mitchell, Layna Mosley, Beth Simmons, Randall Stone, and Ann Tickner.

Why do states delegate certain tasks and responsibilities to international organizations rather than acting unilaterally or cooperating directly? Furthermore, to what extent do states continue to control IOs once authority has been delegated? Examining a variety of different institutions including the World Trade Organization, the United Nations and the European Commission, this book explores the different methods that states employ to ensure their interests are being served, and identifies the problems involved with monitoring and managing IOs. The contributors suggest that it is not inherently more difficult to design effective delegation mechanisms at international level than at domestic level and, drawing on principal-agent theory, help explain the variations that exist in the extent to which states are willing to delegate to IOs. They argue that IOs are neither all evil nor all virtuous, but are better understood as bureaucracies that can be controlled to varying degrees by their political masters.

Why do states delegate certain tasks and responsibilities to international organizations rather than acting unilaterally or cooperating directly? Furthermore, to what extent do states continue to control IOs once authority has been delegated? Examining a variety of different institutions including the World Trade Organization, the United Nations and the European Commission, this book explores the different methods that states employ to ensure their interests are being served, and identifies the problems involved with monitoring and managing IOs. The contributors suggest that it is not inherently more difficult to design effective delegation mechanisms at international level than at domestic level and, drawing on principal-agent theory, help explain the variations that exist in the extent to which states are willing to delegate to IOs. They argue that IOs are neither all evil nor all virtuous, but are better understood as bureaucracies that can be controlled to varying degrees by their political masters.

This 2005 book was commissioned by the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a factual account of the first decade of its existence. It aims to cover the principal activities of the WTO as the successor to GATT and the steps taken to establish a global trading system. Peter Gallagher, the author, is an independent trade analyst and consultant, who records what might be regarded as the WTO's main achievements as well as describing the controversies that have arisen in its first ten years. A useful reference book for policy makers, journalists, members of trade delegations and for everyone who requires a detailed understanding of the workings of the WTO.

The book analyses how international law addresses interactions between international organizations. In labour governance, these interactions are ubiquitous. They offer each organization an opportunity to promote its model of labour governance, yet simultaneously expose it to adverse influence from others. The book captures this ambivalence and examines the capacity of international law to mitigate it. Based on detailed case studies of mutual influence between the International Labour Organization, the World Bank, and the Council of Europe, the book offers an in-depth analysis of the pertinent law and its key challenges, both at institutional and inter-organizational level. The author envisions a law of inter-organizational interactions as a normative framework structuring interactions and enhancing the effectiveness and legitimacy of multi-institutional governance.