This book analyses the internal sources of foreign policy within those NATO states whose primary security concerns lie in the southern area of the Alliance. It takes a careful look at foreign and defence policy formulation and assesses the special perspective of each of these countries inturn and the military threats that they face. Attention is paid to the role of the military in society, especially in the geographically peripheral states, as the Alliance seeks to adapt to a possible shift southward of some of its security concerns. A full understanding of the politics in each of these states is essential to determine the relative importance of national and Alliance priorities in each country as the tensions between external policies and internal necessities increase. The book offers an assessment of evolving security requirements in the southern region and of the capacity of NATO Mediterranean states to deal individually and collectively with the changing situation.

Since the end of the Cold War NATO has redefined its raison d etre, extending its membership, broadening its political goals and widening its zone of operation. It has also sought to enhance its co-operation with Russia, for example through the NATO-Russia Council, though moves here have coincided with factors which make co-operation more difficult, such as growing uncertainty about the transition to democracy in Russia, a feeling among some people in Russia that NATO enlargement and the simultaneous diminution of Russia s influence were related, and, more recently, Russia s attempts to reassert its influence over its neighbouring states. This book examines the current state of relations between NATO and Russia, examining a number of key areas, and assesses the prospects for future development. It concludes that all parties have a powerful interest in building and maintaining security, and that the growth of the zone of democracy holds out the best hope for solving some of Russia s most seminal security concerns.

Preventing Torture comprises a documentary and empirical study - of a kind rare in the field of international human rights law - of the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and the work of the Committee (the CPT) established under it. The authors chart the international human rights background to the Convention (including the historical and contemporary use of torture), describe the travaux préparatoires, analyse the composition and modus operandi of the Committee and set the standards formulated and applied by the CPT against those developed by other human rights bodies. They also assess, on the basis of visits throughout Europe, the reactions to the Committee's work in member states and consider the implications of an enlarged Council of Europe for the CPT in the future.

How legitimate are outcomes, outputs and impacts of global environmental regimes? Can non-state actors contribute to improve the output- and input-oriented legitimacy of global environmental governance? Helmut Breitmeier responds to these questions, balancing the volume with both theoretical and empirical chapters. The theoretical and conceptual chapters illustrate the relevance and meaning of legitimacy as well as the impact of non-state actors on environmental governance. They also describe various methodological issues involved with the coding of 23 environmental regimes. The empirical chapters are based on the findings of the International Regimes Database (IRD). They explore whether problem-solving in international regimes is effective and equitable and the influence of a regime's contribution to how states comply with international norms. These chapters also analyze whether non-state actors can improve the output- and input-oriented legitimacy of global governance systems.

While clearly assessing the achievements, performance and responses of major global south institutions to global change, Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner shows how and why such arrangements are critical in the South's efforts to call the international community's attention to their concerns and to resolve their special problems. Focusing on a range of key areas to provide the reader with a well-rounded understanding of this important subject in international affairs, the book: offers a rationale for the institutional development in the global South elaborates on the scope of membership, structure, aims, and problems of such institutions assesses the utility of tri-continental political and economic organizations examines the history and activities of region-wide organizations evaluates the potential of sub-regional integration arrangements analyses the applicability of various theories, and makes suggestions with respect to the study of global South institutions. The lack of a comprehensive and accessible compilation of institutions of key importance to the global South in the post-war period, makes this book essential reading to students and scholars in the fields of in international organization, international politics, foreign policy, international development, and global south public policies.

While clearly assessing the achievements, performance and responses of major global south institutions to global change, Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner shows how and why such arrangements are critical in the South's efforts to call the international community's attention to their concerns and to resolve their special problems. Focusing on a range of key areas to provide the reader with a well-rounded understanding of this important subject in international affairs, the book: * offers a rationale for the institutional development in the global South * elaborates on the scope of membership, structure, aims, and problems of such institutions * assesses the utility of tri-continental political and economic organizations * examines the history and activities of region-wide organizations * evaluates the potential of sub-regional integration arrangements * analyses the applicability of various theories, and makes suggestions with respect to the study of global South institutions. The lack of a comprehensive and accessible compilation of institutions of key importance to the global South in the post-war period, makes this book essential reading to students and scholars in the fields of in international organization, international politics, foreign policy, international development, and global south public policies.

This book focuses on the nature of the public choice approach and many of the types of issues it raises. It presents a number of specific applications of public choice theory to the analysis of major international and regional economic organizations.

Five years ago, Good Governance Africa undertook to focus its National Security Programme on a core phenomenon that actively seeks to disrupt, undermine and destroy peace, development and security across Africa. This is the problem of extremisms in Africa – an increasing scourge. These movements are religious, ethnic and race-based in nature, and represent complex and supreme threats to stability.

To better prepare ourselves to understand and engage extremist threats in order to prevent, counter and overcome them, GGA has scoured the African continent, producing a collection of close on 50 chapters of knowledge in a trilogy of book volumes (of which this book is the third) covering a plethora of topics across regions and countries, dedicated to markedly diverse themes.

Volume 3 of Extremisms in Africa consists of 17 contributions, and evidences an even greater attention to detail on further developments and potential threats. Topically, given the global COVID-19 pandemic, the book looks at the pressing theme of the weaponisation of viruses; current insurgency developments in northern Mozambique; the impact of extremisms on business; the business that is extremist activity; and the crime–extremism nexus and terror financing in Africa’s Horn. On the tech and cyber front, the book examines the rise of artificial intelligence and social media. To the north, it examines why Libya remains problematic, to the west, we examine why kidnapping is rife there, and to the south, Volume 3 reviews lessons learned for southern Africa, amongst other topics.

The Asia-Pacific is arguably the most important, but also the most complex and contested, region on the planet. Containing three of the world's largest economies and some of its most important strategic relationships, the region's capacity of regional elites to promote continuing economic development whilst simultaneously maintaining peace and stability will be one of the defining challenges of the twenty-first century international order. Intuitively, we might expect regional institutions to play a major role in achieving this. Yet one of the most widely noted characteristics of the Asia-Pacific region has been its relatively modest levels of institutional development thus far. However, things are changing: as individual economies in the Asia-Pacific become more deeply integrated, there is a growing interest in developing and adding to the institutions that already exist. Institutions of the Asia-Pacific examines how this region is developing, and what role established organisations like APEC and new bodies like ASEAN Plus Three are playing in this process. An expert in the field, Mark Beeson introduces the contested nature of the very region itself - should it be the 'Asia-Pacific' or 'East Asia' to which we pay most attention and expect to see most institutional development. By placing these developments in historical context, he reveals why the very definition of the region remains unsettled and why the political, economic and strategic relations of this remarkably diverse region remain fraught and difficult to manage.

The Asia-Pacific is arguably the most important, but also the most complex and contested, region on the planet. Containing three of the world's largest economies and some of its most important strategic relationships, the region's capacity of regional elites to promote continuing economic development whilst simultaneously maintaining peace and stability will be one of the defining challenges of the twenty-first century international order. Intuitively, we might expect regional institutions to play a major role in achieving this. Yet one of the most widely noted characteristics of the Asia-Pacific region has been its relatively modest levels of institutional development thus far. However, things are changing: as individual economies in the Asia-Pacific become more deeply integrated, there is a growing interest in developing and adding to the institutions that already exist. Institutions of the Asia-Pacific examines how this region is developing, and what role established organisations like APEC and new bodies like ASEAN Plus Three are playing in this process. An expert in the field, Mark Beeson introduces the contested nature of the very region itself - should it be the 'Asia-Pacific' or 'East Asia' to which we pay most attention and expect to see most institutional development. By placing these developments in historical context, he reveals why the very definition of the region remains unsettled and why the political, economic and strategic relations of this remarkably diverse region remain fraught and difficult to manage.

Since the end of the Cold War NATO has redefined its raison d'etre, extending its membership, broadening its political goals and widening its zone of operation. It has also sought to enhance its co-operation with Russia, for example through the NATO-Russia Council, though moves here have coincided with factors which make co-operation more difficult, such as growing uncertainty about the transition to democracy in Russia, a feeling among some people in Russia that NATO enlargement and the simultaneous diminution of Russia's influence were related, and, more recently, Russia's attempts to reassert its influence over its neighbouring states. This book examines the current state of relations between NATO and Russia, examining a number of key areas, and assesses the prospects for future development. It concludes that all parties have a powerful interest in building and maintaining security, and that the growth of the zone of democracy holds out the best hope for solving some of Russia's most seminal security concerns.

The six years between the surrender of Japan on September 2, 1945, and the signing of a Treaty of Peace in San Francisco on September 8, 1951 between Japan and forty-eight of the nations with which she was at war, was a period unique in the history of international affairs. Throughout those six years Japan was occupied by the Allied Powers. Because of what was accomplished during that occupation under the wise leadership of General Douglas MacArthur, it was possible to conclude a peace which showed no trace of angry passion; a peace of reconciliation, not of vengeance. From its inception the Occupation of Japan was inspired by high moral principles, was governed by the magnanimity that comes from true strength and was carried out in a calm and purposeful manner. Japan's war-making power was destroyed and the influence of those who committed her to armed con quest eliminated. Oppressive laws and restrictive practices were removed and guaranties established for freedom of speech, religion and thought and respect for fundamental human rights."

This volume addresses the normative legitimacy of the international order, asking how we can make sense of legitimacy claims of increasingly diverse global governance institutions and practices and how their legitimacy relates to and differs from state legitimacy. State legitimacy is a central concern of modern political thought but is inadequate when applied to institutions that differ from the state in type, level of governance, scope, and much else. We need a new, tailored approach to the legitimacy of institutions beyond the state, especially international and transnational institutions. Such an approach includes foundational questions: what does it mean for institutions to be legitimate that have radically different purposes, means, interests, capacities, constituents, and roles from states? And what standards do such institutions have to meet in order to count as legitimate? The contributions to this volume seek to advance the debate on these questions at both abstract and more concrete levels. They range from conceptual questions about the nature of legitimacy and international institutions, to rule of law, to the legitimacy of the UN Security Council, the International Criminal Court, and occupying military forces in the face of challenges specific to their nature and context. Together they demonstrate both the promise and challenges of theorizing legitimacy beyond the state. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the journal Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

As it became increasingly apparent that Donald Trump might actually become the Republican party's 2016 presidential nominee, alarmed conservatives coalesced behind a simple, uncompromising slogan: Never Trump. Although the movement initially included a large number of Republican office-holders, its white-hot core was always comprised of the policy experts, public intellectuals, and campaign professionals who play a critical role in the modern political party system. They saw in Trump a repudiation of longstanding conservative doctrine and, in his unprincipled appeals to voters, the kind of demagogue the founders famously warned about. Never Trumpers took their shot at denying Trump the presidency-everything from flailing attempts to coalesce around other Republican candidates and collective letters of opposition, to a desperate third party challenge and even supporting their longtime nemesis Hillary Clinton. But in their attempt to kill the king, they missed. Now on the margins of a party that has enthusiastically united around the president, Never Trumpers have been reduced to the status of a remnant, shut out from government and hoping for a day when their party awakens from its Trumpist spell. Based on extensive interviews with conservative opponents of the president, Robert P. Saldin and Steven M. Teles reveal why such a wide range of committed partisans chose to break with their longtime comrades in arms. Never Trump provides a window into the motivations of these conservative professionals and a guide to the long-term consequences that their unprecedented revolt holds for the Republican and Democratic parties, conservatism, and American democracy.

The European project has, within only 52 years, achieved a surprising momentum, and the European Union is now approaching full statehood. The Convention on the Future of Europe has finished its work and handed over a proposal for a constitutional treaty to the Heads of State and Government of the EU. It is therefore the ideal time to present an integrated analysis of what appears to be the emerging European State. This key volume therefore discusses the central questions and concepts within the field of European studies, which include federalism, the relationship between statehood and constitution, integration and constitution, the regions in the 'new' Europe and the EU as an international actor. These discussions are then developed and analyzed in relation to the draft constitution. Timely and insightful, the volume is suitable for courses on European integration, federalism and international politics.

This book is about the strategic importance of NATO-Europe and why Western Europe should continue to remain the primary geographic area of importance in U.S. national security planning. It argues that making fundamental changes in U.S. security commitment to Europe would not be in U.S. interests.

This book uses the concept of political conflict to examine the effects of globalization on tobacco control policies. Analyzing a range of challenges to policies enacted by Australia, Canada, the United States, the European Union and Uruguay, the book examines how the global trading system has narrowed the scope of conflicts over tobacco control.

NATO, an organisation brought together to function as an anti-communist alliance, faced existential questions after the unexpected collapse of the USSR at the beginning of the 1990s. Intervention in the conflict in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995 gave it a renewed sense of purpose and a redefining of its core mission. Abe argues that an impetus for this change was the norm dilemma that the conflict in Bosnia represented. On the one hand a state which oversaw the massacre of its civilians was in breach of international norms, but on the other hand intervention by outside states would breach the norms of sovereign integrity and non-use of force. NATO, as an international governance organisation, thus became a vehicle for avoiding this kind of dilemma. A detailed case study of NATO during the Bosnian war, this book explores how the differing views and preferences among the Western states on the intervention in Bosnia were reconciled as they agreed on the outline of NATO's reform. It examines detailed decision-making processes in Britain, France, Germany and the USA. In particular Abe analyses why conflicting norms led to an emphasis on conflict prevention capacity, rather than simply on armed intervention capacity.

Global governance is fast becoming a ubiquitous phrase, succeeding globalization as the latest buzz term. But exactly what does it mean? For many scholars and policymakers the term captures important aspects of world politics. This unique volume delivers and compares the key perspectives of the leading thinkers in the area, equipping the reader with an excellent understanding of the debate now defining and mapping the future of this term. This comparative approach is underpinned by a lucid theoretical framework which guides the reader towards building a clear sense of the debate and its complexities. A wide range of empirical issues are covered, including those of Security, International Political Economy, Environment, Human Rights, Social Movements and Regulation. Including theorists of social constructivism, liberal imperialism and realism, this is an essential book for students and scholars which stimulates discussion and presents a fully rounded picture of global governance.

This book presents novel theoretical and empirical findings on the issue of unrecognized states and secession. The first part of the book conceptualizes unrecognized states as entities with a national identity and which have achieved political independence, yet are not internationally recognized as independent states. It also addresses topics such as the role of superpowers in secessionist conflicts, ontological security in post-Soviet states, and factors influencing the legitimacy of secession referenda. In turn, the book's second part presents selected case studies on various secessionist regions and territories, including Kurdistan, the Caucasus, Kosovo, and Bougainville.

This book assesses the EU and NATO's tools to prevent conflicts and manage international crises. It offers a unique insight into European security policy and questions the realism of the political goals. It argues for more coordination among European states, and an enhancement of the EU's strategic decision-making capabilities.

This book examines NATO's Balkan interventions over the entire decade starting with the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1992. Focusing on the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, it traces the record of early transatlantic failures and later successes as once bitterly divided allies were able, finally, to unite around some basic principles. By the time of the Kosovo intervention in spring 1999, the allies agreed on the necessity of taking sides and using military force in conflicts that were complicated, but far from morally opaque. The book concludes with some lessons around which the transatlantic allies might reasonably hope - despite other pressing concerns - to stay engaged and stay united.

Over the last decade the failure of countries to emerge from conflict has focused attention on state security sectors. This book examines how the external approaches to security sector reform (SSR) have evolved and what they entail; the specific problems faced by the SSR agenda; and what policy recommendations for engagement can be drawn from reform experiences.

Touted as the world's next Arabia and a region of unbridled opportunity following the Soviet collapse in 1991, the Caspian Sea and the turbulent oil rush that characterized the ensuing decade captured the world's attention in what at first sight appeared to be a triumph of capitalism over communism. Yet rather than engendering immediate wealth and prosperity for foreign multinationals, regional powers and local populations, successive years have seen problems both historical and contemporary erect significant hurdles in the path of progress.
The Caspian redefines a Caspian debate long characterized by one-sided and politically motivated analyses and, at times, fantastic reporting. Bringing together a whole range of influential voices from academia, the media, the oil industry, civil service, the military and diplomatic corps, this book rewrites the region's recent history from the perspective of the players themselves, ferreting out the nuances that characterize contemporary Caspian energy and security politics.