This book explores the emergence of an ius puniendi outside state criminal law and beyond international criminal law. The study connects with the reflections that have been made for some years in global law studies, showing how this trend also has a clear manifestation in the field of criminal law. The analysis begins by mapping out the different manifestations of this new global criminal regulation. This includes very diverse areas, ranging from judicial cooperation to the problems involved in the application of criminal sanctions in failed states, or investigations carried out on the internet. New sanctioning systems are also studied, such as the debarment regime of the World Bank or the sanctions in the hands of international sports federations. It is a question of discovering all criminal law - understood in a broad sense - that lies outside the confines of the state.

Since the great financial crisis in 2008, the Group 20 (G20) has played an increasingly important role in global economic governance as an emerging global macroeconomic coordination mechanism. China and the Group 20 provides experts' observations on the development of the G20, G20's influence on global economic governance and China's role in this emerging institution. The first part of the book analyses important policy issues facing the G20 and global economic governance including the G20's role in strengthening and promoting global macroeconomic coordination; reform of the international financial system; the stability and effectiveness of the international monetary system; the integration of international trade and investment regimes; the new agenda of international development and the complex relations among the major powers. The second part focuses on China's relations with the United States, the EU, and the other BRICS countries, and their implications to the G20's development. China, as the largest developing country and the second largest economy, has the responsibility to safeguard the general interests of developing countries on one hand, and to cooperate with the developed countries to create an equal and open economic environment on the other hand. The book chapters are contributed by experts from the main member countries of the G20.

This edited volume proposes that an understanding of ASEAN - its development and institutionalization - is invaluable to our conception of international relations theory in the Asian context. Southeast Asia and ASEAN host peoples, ideas, institutions, and relations that contribute to a critical reassessment of theories in social sciences. In the field of IR, studies on transnational networks, diasporas, small states, middle powers, the role of history, and identity learn from Southeast Asian practices. ASEAN has long been established as an authoritative example of alternative ways of regional institutionalization. Besides empirical analysis, these fields can also benefit from their interactions with regional scholarly communities. This edited book offers an opportunity for a dialogue among scholarly communities on a variety of issues of which Southeast Asia and ASEAN provide ample opportunities for a critical analysis. This book will be of great interest to scholars of ASEAN, the broader Asian region, and for scholars of regionalism in general.

The Rise of Common Political Order brings together leading research focusing on the conditions for the formation of common political order in Europe. The book aims to define common political order in conceptual terms, to study instances of order formation at different levels of governance and ultimately to comprehend how they profoundly challenge inherent political orders. The book's objectives are twofold: first, to explain institutional birth and growth, and second, and most importantly, to assess key effects of order formation. To what extent, and under which conditions, does common political order transform pre-existing political orders? In sum, the book discusses how we can assess theoretically and empirically the rise, stagnation and retrenchment of common political order in Europe. The authors expertly tackle these questions with empirical illustrations of emergent political orders at international, inter-regional and local levels. The Rise of Common Political Order will have great appeal to political scientists, public administration scholars and international relations scholars based in the EU, US and beyond.

2018 marks the 50th anniversary of the ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, as it was then called, was established in 1968 by then Deputy Prime Minister Dr Goh Keng Swee in order to enable the newly independent city-state better understand the region and its complexities. Since its establishment, ISEAS has dedicated itself to researching the political, economic and socio-cultural dynamics and trends in Southeast Asia for policymakers, scholars, and other relevant stakeholders. On 12 August 2015, the Institute was officially renamed ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, in honour of Singapore's first President. This book presents three public lectures given to commemorate the Institute's Golden Anniversary. Professor Leonard Y. Andaya delivered the first lecture entitled "Developments in the Scholarship of Southeast Asian Studies" on 21 February 2018. The second public lecture was delivered by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong on 13 March 2018. Professor Wang Gungwu delivered the final public lecture entitled "Before Southeast Asia: Passages and Terrains" on 3 October 2018. Collectively, these three public lectures exhort ISEAS to continuously reflect on its research agenda, the region, as well as the contemporary landscape and challenges it has to operate in.

This book provides an accessible and timely analysis of how the British discourse on Europe has evolved over the past forty years. It focuses on three key episodes: the 1975 referendum on the UK's continued membership of the European Economic Community; the 1992-3 debates on ratification of the Maastricht Treaty; and the more recent proto-referendum debates sparked by David Cameron's Bloomberg speech in January 2013. Using a discourse-analytical approach, the book analyses how political and media voices seek to delineate a British sense of self from a Continental other. Importantly, the book also pays close attention to the rising prominence of immigration issues within the British discourse on Europe.

How did France and Australia develop a deep strategic partnership, when only about two decades ago, a group of Australians bombed the French consulate in Perth to protest against French nuclear testing in the Pacific? Which interests, which personalities, which elements of the global context have led France and Australia to engage in a regional and global rapprochement, and what have been the human, economic and political prerequisites which enabled it? This book aims to investigate the dynamics behind this historically ambiguous relationship. More precisely, this study explains why and how France and Australia are currently engaged in a process of strategic and economic mutual empowerment and how this rapprochement has been possible, owing to thirty years of diplomatic efforts to overcome ongoing culturally and historically constructed misunderstandings and conflicts. This book demonstrates how French and Australian foreign policy-makers have understood that, in regard to their numerous common interests, both countries had to mutually empower each other in order to strengthen their own power, regionally and globally. This book argues that these inclusive dynamics of empowerment constitute the response of two diverse middle powers to current global threats and represent a tool suitable for modernising the strategies and practices of both countries' diplomacies. Soyez' research is the first to propose an answer to these questions through the development of the French-Australian strategic partnership.

This book relies on the conceptual model of Open Government (OG), focusing on transparency and, concretely, in open data initiatives at the local government context with the aim of improving participation and collaboration. Most Open Government models are centered on three pillars: transparency, participation and collaboration. Transparency is a crucial ingredient of OG and, applied to data openness means to ensure that the data are well known, comprehensible, easily accessible and open to all. new governance models based on different open data models have not been proposed up to now. The chapter authors seek to contribute recent research to the discussion on governance models of open data initiatives to support Open Governments with the aim of creating public value. It includes both theoretical and empirical studies on governments models in open data initiatives.

This book analyzes the shifting global economic architecture, indicating the decentralizing authority in global economic governance since the Cold War and, especially, following the 2008-09 global financial crisis. The author examines recent adjustments to the organizational framework, contestation of policy principles, norms, and practices, and destabilizing actor hierarchies, particularly in global macroeconomic, trade, and development governance. The study's 'analytical eclecticism' includes a core constructivist IR approach, but also incorporates insights from several international relations theories as well as political and economic theory. The book develops a unique 'analytical matrix', which analyzes effects of strategic, political, and cognitive authority in the organizational, policy, and actor contexts of the global economic architecture. It concludes that, despite concerns about potential fragmentation, decentralizing authority has increased the integration of leading developing states and new actors in contemporary global economic governance.

Given their immense potential for development and representation of a new international political and economic order, the BRICS countries have become a strong nascent force on the global stage. However, as overall economic growth continues to slow down, and the geopolitical situation becomes more complex, the BRICS countries are facing a series of new challenges that require further development in the way they cooperate with one another. This volume offers a panoramic view of cooperation between the BRICS countries in the light of these new challenges. The editors reveal that policy coordination has been strengthened, bringing into play complementary advantages as viable ways for promoting robust, sustainable, and balanced growth in the world economy. They argue that the experience gained, and lessons learned in the development of and cooperation between the BRICS countries has offered a positive role model for cooperation between other countries as well as providing valuable lessons for research in international politics. Students and scholars in international relations and politics will benefit from this volume.

Challenging the conventional narrative that the European Union suffers from a "democratic deficit," Athanasios Psygkas argues that EU mandates have enhanced the democratic accountability of national regulatory agencies. This is because EU law has created entry points for stakeholder participation in the operation of national regulators; these avenues for public participation were formerly either not open or not institutionalized to this degree. By focusing on how the EU formally adopted procedural mandates to advance the substantive goal of creating an internal market in electronic communications, Psygkas demonstrates that EU requirements have had significant implications for the nature of administrative governance in the member states. Drawing on theoretical arguments in favor of decentralization traditionally applied to substantive policy-making, this book provides insight into regulatory processes to show how the decentralized EU structure may transform national regulatory authorities into individual loci of experimentation that might in turn develop innovative results. It thus contributes to debates about federalism, governance and public policy, as well as about deliberative and participatory democracy in the United States and Europe. This book informs current understandings of regulatory agency operations and institutional design by drawing on an original dataset of public consultations and interviews with agency officials, industry and consumer group representatives in Paris, Athens, Brussels, and London. The on-the-ground original research provides a strong foundation for the directions the case law could take and small- and larger-scale institutional reforms that balance the goals of democracy, accountability, and efficiency.

Can the power of the G20 be legitimate? This book examines the politics surrounding the G20's efforts to act effectively and legitimately and the problems and challenges involved in this activity. Developing a critical constructivist conceptualisation of the G20, the book considers holistically and practically the ways that the G20 develops various forms of power and influence and acts as an apex form of global governance that seeks to be an overall coordinating forum to address global problems. Assessing how debates about the legitimacy of the G20 shaped its operation, Slaughter argues that the G20's power can be legitimate despite a range of considerable challenges and limits. The book also explores what measures the G20 could take to be more legitimate in the future. Offering a direct and accessible consideration of the politics of legitimacy with respect to the G20, this book will be of interest to those attempting to understand and analyse the G20 as well as to scholars of IR theory, global political economy, global policy, diplomacy and globalisation.

Drawing on an original UK-wide study of public responses to humanitarian issues and how NGOs communicate them, this timely book provides the first evidence-based psychosocial account of how and why people respond or not to messages about distant suffering. The book highlights what NGOs seek to achieve in their communications and explores how their approach and hopes match or don't match what the public wants, thinks and feels about distant suffering

Through detailed comparative case studies of civil society engagement with two major regional international organizations in Southeast Asia this book demonstrates the potentials and limitations of civil society actors as democratizing agents in governance beyond the nation-state. Drawing on previous research on civil society, social movements, transnational activism, and democratization, Uhlin develops an analytical framework focusing on a) how national and international political opportunities shape-and are shaped by-civil society advocacy; b) how civil society activists frequently combine inside and outside strategies when targeting international organizations; and c) how civil society advocacy can have a liberalizing impact on the targeted international organizations. Drawing on rich empirical data, including more than 100 qualitative interviews with civil society activists and representatives of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the study demonstrates how civil society actors have contributed to pushing ADB-and to a much lesser extent ASEAN-in a political liberal direction, improving transparency, strengthening accountability, and introducing mechanisms protecting people from the abuse of power. With its innovative analytical framework, broad scope covering civil society activism across Southeast Asia, and in-depth analysis of civil society attempts to influence ADB and ASEAN the book makes important contributions to research on civil society activism in Southeast Asia as well as the more general field of civil society and governance beyond the nation-state.

Nations have powerful reasons to get their military alliances right. When security pacts go well, they underpin regional and global order; when they fail, they spread wars across continents as states are dragged into conflict. We would, therefore, expect states to carefully tailor their military partnerships to specific conditions. This expectation, Raymond C. Kuo argues, is wrong. Following the Leader argues that most countries ignore their individual security interests in military pacts, instead converging on a single, dominant alliance strategy. The book introduces a new social theory of strategic diffusion and emulation, using case studies and advanced statistical analysis of alliances from 1815 to 2003. In the wake of each major war that shatters the international system, a new hegemon creates a core military partnership to target its greatest enemy. Secondary and peripheral countries rush to emulate this alliance, illustrating their credibility and prestige by mimicking the dominant form. Be it the NATO model that seems so commonsense today, or the realpolitik that reigned in Europe of the late nineteenth century, a lone alliance strategy has defined broad swaths of diplomatic history. It is not states' own security interests driving this phenomenon, Kuo shows, but their jockeying for status in a world periodically remade by great powers.

Federal systems are praised for creating political stability, but they are also blamed for causing rigidity. They are said to balance powers, but apparently they are also threatened by instability due to drifts in power. Federalism should support democratization, but it can also constrain the power of the demos and strengthen the executive. In short, there is widespread agreement that federal systems are dynamic. The forces, mechanisms and consequences of federal dynamics, however, are not sufficiently understood so far.
This book brings together leading experts in the field of comparative federalism to highlight how the interplay of continuity and change systematically generates and reinforces varieties of federalism and varieties of federal dynamics. Federal Dynamics: Continuity, Change and Varieties of Federalism investigates mechanisms and resulting patterns of federal development. It offers new analytical concepts and discusses different theoretical propositions to systematically compare convergent and divergent trends in federal systems. Acknowledging the theoretical pluralism that dominates the field, the book is organized around four sections: Models, Varieties and Dimensions of Federalism; Timing, Sequencing and Historical Evolution; Social Change and Political Structuring; and Actors, Institutions and Internal Dynamics.
The contributions to this volume are variously concerned with three guiding questions: What changes within federal systems, how and why? The focus provided by these three guiding questions allows for a dialogue between strands of the literature that have not talked to each other in a sufficient manner. In this way, the book makes a significant contribution to the growing literature on continuity and change in federal systems. Ultimately, it represents a substantive effort in advancing research on comparative federalism.

Historical Dictionary of International Organizations in Asia and the Pacific, Second Edition covers global, international, and regional organizations in Asia and the Pacific, and encompasses both governmental and non-governmental organizations. This second edition covers the history through a chronology, an introductory essay, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 200 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, thematic topics, and major international issues affecting the region. This book is a valuable tool for anyone seeking details about international organizations in Asia and the Pacific, and the international context within which those organizations function.

This book provides an analysis of non-traditional security (NTS) crises and cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Southeast Asia. Using case studies - transboundary air pollution, marine life endangerment, illegal migration, and terrorism - from both Southeast Asia and Western Europe between 2009 and 2016, this book offers a contemporary understanding of the EU as a collective actor within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-EU and Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) inter-regional dialogue formats and affiliated programmes. Through new empirical insights into the regional and inter-regional institutional dynamics of the EU and ASEAN in times of crisis and rising nationalism in both regions the author demonstrates, in particular, the relevance of the EU as a security and normative actor and the value of inter-regionalism as a foreign and security tool of the EU in Southeast Asia. Thus, this book underlines the importance of regional organisations in the management of contemporary transboundary NTS challenges within global governance. Enhancing topical debates and offering a timely assessment of crisis-induced regionalism and inter-regionalism in world affairs, this book will be of interest to scholars studying International Relations, International Security, Southeast Asian Studies, European Studies, and Public Policy.

This book asks whether the well-established privilege against self-incrimination applies to corporations, whether it should, and if so, to what extent. Those questions have an increasingly important EU criminal law dimension. To answer them, this study draws on comparative insights from Belgium, England and Wales, and the US; as well as case law of the ECtHR and EU Law. It covers the established CJEU case law in competition cases, the recent CJEU ruling in DB v Consob and addresses Directive (EU) 2016/343. It will appeal to scholars of EU criminal law, but also to white-collar and competition practitioners.

This book collects and integrates Abbott and Snidal's influential scholarship on indirect global governance, with a new analytical introduction that probes the role of indirect governance techniques in the universe of global governance arrangements. The volume presents the Governance Triangle, a now widely-used figure that demonstrates and helps to assess the proliferation of private and public-private standard-setting organizations, along with new forms of intergovernmental institutions, over recent decades. It then analyzes how intergovernmental organizations, regulatory bodies, and other "global governors" enlist and work through those organizations as intermediaries, so as to govern more effectively and gain knowledge, influence and legitimacy. It demonstrates Abbott's and Snidal's groundbreaking concept of orchestration, a mode of indirect governance in which influential governors catalyze, support, and steer intermediary organizations through wholly voluntary relationships. It also considers their more recent innovations in the theory of indirect governance. These include additional modes of governance, such as co-optation, delegation and trusteeship, as well as the pervasive "Governor's Dilemma" trade-off between a governor's control of its intermediaries and the intermediaries' competence. This book will appeal to scholars and students in multiple disciplines, including international relations, global governance, law, and regulatory studies.

Why has global tax governance been politicized and how can we explain the varying intensity and content of public debates? This book offers an integrated theory of the politicization of international institutions and a detailed account of how the institutional design and policy output of tax governance by the EU and OECD have developed over time. Offering the first in-depth empirical analysis to compare politicization across international institutions, it blends institutionalist explanations that focus on the growing authority of international institutions, and sociological and political economy approaches that take into account domestic context. Exploring why and how international institutions have become increasingly contested in the 21st century, this book will be of particular interest to the scholars of the transfer of authority from the nation-state to international institutions, and the societal repercussions and political struggles that connect these processes. Researchers in the fields of political science, international relations, sociology, and political communication will also find it useful and insightful.

This book contributes to an increasingly important branch of critical security studies that combines insights from critical geopolitics and postcolonial critique by making an argument about the geographies of violence and their differential impact in contemporary security practices, including but not limited to military intervention. The book explores military intervention in Libya through the categories of space and time, to provide a robust ethico-political critique of the intervention. Much of the mainstream international relations scholarship on humanitarian intervention frames the ethical, moral and legal debate over intervention in terms of a binary, between human rights and state sovereignty. In response, O'Sullivan questions the ways in which military violence was produced as a rational and reasonable response to the crisis in Libya, outlining and destabilising this false binary between the human and the state. The book offers methodological tools for questioning the violent institutions at the heart of humanitarian intervention and asking how intervention has been produced as a rational response to crisis. Contributing to the ongoing academic conversation in the critical literature on spatiality, militarism and resistance, the book draws upon postcolonial and poststructural approaches to critical security studies, and will be of great interest to scholars and graduates of critical security studies and international relations.

Both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) practice periodic surveillance of members to ensure that countries are adopting appropriate economic policies. Despite the importance of these procedures, they remain understudied by scholars. The global economic crisis has tested both organizations and brought surveillance to the forefront of policy debates. Understanding how surveillance works, then, contributes to both theoretical and policy concerns. The world is paying increasing attention to issues of transparency and accountability, questioning whether these organizations are in part responsible for the global economic crisis, as well as assessing their responsiveness to the crisis. This comparative analysis of surveillance at the IMF and WTO fills a significant gap in the existing literature, drawing together a large range of empirical data and offering an extended critical analysis of this key issue. Examining how and in what contexts surveillance is influential and how variations in institutional design shape the effectiveness of surveillance, Edwards moves on to offer recommendations of how surveillance can be designed differently to make it more effective in the future. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international organizations, international political economy and global governance.

Women and Gender Perspectives in the Military compares the integration of women, gender perspectives, and the women, peace, and security agenda into the armed forces of eight countries plus NATO and United Nations peacekeeping operations. This book brings a much-needed crossnational analysis of how militaries have or have not improved gender balance, what has worked and what has not, and who have been the agents for change. The country cases examined are Sweden, the Netherlands, Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Israel, Australia, and South Africa. Despite increased opportunities for women in the militaries of many countries and wider recognition of the value of including gender perspectives to enhance operational effectiveness, progress has encountered roadblocks even nearly twenty years after United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 kicked off the women, peace, and security agenda. Robert Egnell, Mayesha Alam, and the contributors to this volume conclude that there is no single model for change that can be applied to every country, but the comparative findings reveal many policy-relevant lessons while advancing scholarship about women and gendered perspectives in the military.

This book brings together African and European experts from a variety of disciplines to examine the origins and current state of the East African Community (EAC). Over the course of the book, the authors analyse the rich tapestry of intraregional relations in East Africa, the EAC's similarities with the European Union and the future challenges faced by the organisation. Widely regarded as the most advanced and successful regional integration scheme in Africa, the EAC is an intergovernmental organisation consisting of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda and, since 2016, South Sudan. It is the oldest among Africa's regional economic communities, and among the continent's most promising growth areas, with a long history of integration, punctuated by several false starts and traumas that have profoundly affected its body politics. When initially set up, the EAC model bore a striking resemblance to the process undergone by the European Union. Now, as the EAC continues to establish its own identity, this book argues that whilst Europe's history may provide useful insights for EAC member states, the EAC experience could in turn also offer lessons for the European Union. Covering key dimensions such as integration, co-operation, development, trade and investments, this book highlights the intricate and complex relationships between East African states, and it will be of interest to researchers working on economic development, international relations, peace and security and African studies.