The text has again been brought up to date and extensively revised, especially the EC chapter. The chapter on the OECD has been transferred to Part One. The brought-up-to-date chapter on the CMEA has been maintained, but at the time ofwriting its abolition was still not decided. A new treaty on central andeasternEuropeancooperationwasnotyetapproved. My thanks are due to the persons listed below, who were kind enough to comment on the draft of certain chapters of part of chapters: my former students Mr Marc Quintyn of the International Monetary Fund and Luc Everaert of the World Bank, who - in addition - prepared information needed to bring the chapters concerned up to date, Dr Horst Bockelmann, economic adviser of the Bank for International Settlements. Mr J. Schotte of the Benelux secretariat, Mr Lars Erik P. Nordgaard of the EFTA Brussels Office. Of course, this does not necessarily imply that they share the conclu- sions of the chapters involved. Numerous international and national civil servants and libraries kindly answered my questions. I want to thank espe- Mr Jozef van den Broeck, head Information Office Belgium of the cially Commission of the European Communities, and Mr A. Carchon, conseiller d'AmbassadeBelgiumand thelibraryoftheBelgiancentralbank. I am very grateful to my wife, who has helped me at every stage of the preparation of this edition. She also undertook the compilation of the list of articles andtheindexes. MA. G. v. M.

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Focusing on climate change policy after the first Kyoto commitment period ending in 2012, this special issue examines long-term strategy and the implications for stakeholders and the environment. International experts offer detailed policy analysis and review the links between policy and economics, sustainable development, technology and adaptation. An invaluable and insightful source of information on long-term thinking on climate change, this special issue of Climate Policy addresses the following key questions: What long-term range of policies for climate change adaptation and mitigation should Europe pursue to adequately enhance sustainability on a global level? What are the implications of long-term European climate strategy for the design of a global post-2012 climate regime? What are the key concerns of different stakeholders and how will these concerns impact on long-term climate policy?These questions were discussed during two workshops, commissioned by the European Forum on Integrated Environmental Assessment (EFIEA) and jointly organized by the National Institute of Public Health and the Environment (RIVM), The Netherlands and the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Resear publication in this special issue. The special issue also includes introductory and concluding remarks from the guest editors, highlighting key points and offering an expert synthesis of the workshop discussions.Climate Policy Options Post-2012 offers a synthesis of expert thinking on long-term climate policy, addressing points such as: EU institutional and coalition development on climate change strategy, the importance of setting a diverse range of targets and commitments, retaining other features such as the flexible mechanisms, assessing costs and competitiveness, dealing with policy dilemmas and creating coherence in policy issues, and the need to strengthen strategic research, boost technological change, pay more attention to impacts and adaptation to enhance support for mitigation, develop a long-term vision and link this to short term action and managing of change.

An extensive and unequalled one-volume guide covering over 1,700 international and regional organizations, this title provides detailed and accurate information on a wide spectrum of international organizations from the UN to the International Council for Science.
Features include:
* Introductory articles: "An Introduction to International Organizations" and "Challenges Facing the International System in the 21st Century"
* A chronology charting the historical development of international organizations
* Texts of significant international charters, treaties and documents
* Lists of key UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, plus information about peace-keeping activities
* A who's who of leading officials within international organizations
* A directory and further information on each organization including contact information, details of membership, leading officials, activities, finance, publications and subsidiary organizations
* An extensive, alphabetically-arranged index.

With the accession of Cambodia in April 1999, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) finally achieved its founding vision: the incorporation of all ten South-east Asian states. However, ASEAN-10 faces an unprecedented series of challenges, stemming from the organization's rapid enlargement since 1995, economic crisis among key members, and political upheavals in Indonesia, its largest and most important member. ASEAN in 1999 is a pale imitation of the more confident organization which emerged from the end of the Cold War as one of the world's most successful experiments in regionalism. This paper asks whether ASEAN can remain relevant to the management of regional problems.

Dr. Evans examines the international responses to the ethnic conflicts in Burundi and Rwanda from 1993-1997 and their overspill into Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). A senior UK diplomat, she concludes that the international response was impotent and incoherent--soundbite diplomacy led decision-makers to act before adequately assessing the situation and in the end it was the power of local rather than international intervention that set the agenda and provided the solution.
The author urges a number of changes in response by the international community: that the UN should create a Conflict Analysis Center at its headquarters in New York; that governments need to promote lateral understanding and co-operation between different players, including the media and the non-governmental organization community; that enlightened outside support can be most valuable when an inexperienced government has just taken over; and that greater understanding is needed on the part of Western states that traditional Western patterns of diplomacy are often inappropriate in other regions. Instead, non-party democracy and a strong element of subregional cooperation may be the models for the future.

This edited book by Mills and Karp brings together political, legal and moral perspectives on the responsibilities of human rights protection in world politics today. It critiques a narrow focus on states' 'violations' of human rights, incorporates non-state actors, and looks beyond the 'Responsibility to Protect' policy framework.

Can institutions (in the sense of formal organizations) bear duties and be ascribed blame in the same way that we understand individual human beings to be morally responsible for actions? The idea of the "institutional moral agent" is critically examined in the guise of states, transnational corporations, the UN, NATO and international society in the context of some of the most critical and debated issues and events in international relations, including the Kosovo Campaign, development aid, and genocide in Rwanda.

This book uses the concept of political conflict to examine the effects of globalization on tobacco control policies. Analyzing a range of challenges to policies enacted by Australia, Canada, the United States, the European Union and Uruguay, the book examines how the global trading system has narrowed the scope of conflicts over tobacco control.

This book presents novel theoretical and empirical findings on the issue of unrecognized states and secession. The first part of the book conceptualizes unrecognized states as entities with a national identity and which have achieved political independence, yet are not internationally recognized as independent states. It also addresses topics such as the role of superpowers in secessionist conflicts, ontological security in post-Soviet states, and factors influencing the legitimacy of secession referenda. In turn, the book's second part presents selected case studies on various secessionist regions and territories, including Kurdistan, the Caucasus, Kosovo, and Bougainville.

With the approach of the 21st century, global changes are rendering the Caribbean's traditional economic platform obsolete. This text suggests that the expanding NAFTA or the hemispheric turn towards bloc formation may offer a solution. However, the author argues that politics must be brought back into the regionalization process, for each island government is witnessing the narrowing of the range of its state power by powerful TNCs, international financial institutions, Washington interests and corporate-backed WTO commissions.

This extensively revised and updated directory of international foundations, trusts and other similar non-profit institutions provides a comprehensive picture of foundation activity on a world scale. The new large format publication offers detailed information on over 2,000 institutions, arranged by country, covering over 100 countries.
Introductory essays are included. Entries are arranged alphabetically by country with main foundation centers/coordinating bodies listed at the beginning of each chapter, followed by the charities, NGOs and foundations. Each entry contains the institution's name, postal, internet and email addresses, telephone and fax numbers, together with date of foundation, and details of its function, activities, restrictions on grants, geographical area of activity, finances, publications and key executives where available. It includes an index of foundations and a separate index of their main activities and geographical region of activity. A wide range of activity is covered, including aid to less developed countries, the environment, education, the arts and humanities, and medicine and health. Each organization has been contacted so that information is accurate and up-to-date.

"The Europa Directory of International Organizations 2002" is an extensive and unequalled one-volume research guide to international organizations around the world. Offering truly international coverage, it brings together contact details, further data and definitions on over 1,700 international and regional organizations world wide. It is extensively researched, covering a wide spectrum of organizations from the UN and its specialized agencies to the League of Arab States and Black Sea Economic Cooperation.
This reference includes a detailed calendar of events, a chronology charting the major events in the history of leading organizations, texts of significant international documents, and a who's who in international organizations. Organizations are arranged alphabetically, and each entry contains facts on the organization's full definition of activities, details of membership, representation, finance, publications, research institutes and contact details. It includes an invaluable index to the organizations.

Focusing on the memory of the German Democratic Republic, Towards a Collaborative Memory explores the cross-border collaborations of three German institutions. Using an innovative theoretical and methodological framework, drawing on relational sociology, network analysis and narrative, the study highlights the epistemic coloniality that has underpinned global partnerships across European actors and institutions. Sara Jones reconceptualizes transnational memory towards an approach that is collaborative not only in its practices, but also in its ethics, and shows how these institutions position themselves within dominant relationship cultures reflected between East and West, and North and South.

This book queries, through the prism of the Convention for the Protection and the Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (the Convention), the ways in which the processes and substance of international law-making have shifted in response to new technologies and new actors. The essays, written by recognised experts in the field, engage deeply with the practice under the Convention. The 4 parts examine: the rise of new actors and their impact on the Convention's law-making and implementation; the specific implementation of Article 21; the role of cultural communities in promoting diversity of cultural expressions; and the effectiveness and coherence of the Convention. Scholars and practitioners in the field of international law of culture and international cultural cooperation will welcome this fascinating new book.

The first examination of the importance of NATO's Mediterranean Initiative for the security and stability of the Euro-Mediterranean area, this book discusses the challenges, risks, and possible threats to NATO member states which may stem from the southern and eastern Mediterranean.

This book critically examines the argument that the Global South has risen in recent years, that its rise has intensified since the 2008 financial crisis, and that this in turn has hastened the decline of the West and the US in particular. Drawing on critical theories of international relations and development, Kiely puts the rise into context and shows how the factors that aided the rise of the South have now given way to a less favourable international context. Indeed, economic problems in China and other leading countries, falling commodity prices and capital outflows point us in the direction of identifying a new phase of the 2008 financial crisis: an emerging markets crisis. Kiely argues that this is a crisis which demonstrates the continued dependent position of the South in the context of the uneven and combined development of international capitalism.

This book examines the recent changes in strategic stability, caused by the collapse of the international security architecture. Against the background of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, international experts discuss topics and critical issues such as the revanchist strategy of Russia and the readiness of the United States (US) and Europe to give an adequate response; the influence of new technologies in the future of nuclear deterrence; and the crumbling of the arms control and nonproliferation system under the new challenges. The book explains how the combination of these factors lead to a crucial change of strategic stability and the international security landscape, the first such change since the end of the Cold War. Divided into three parts, the book presents timely analyses on (1) US, Russia: New Challenges and Strategic Stability in Europe; (2) Extended Deterrence and Arms Control in Europe; and (3) Regional Dimensions of Strategic Stability in Europe. It further offers perspectives from and case studies on different countries, such as Ukraine, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the USA, Turkey, Poland, and Romania. This book is a must-read for scholars for international relations, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the changing international security architecture, Russia's strategy, arms control, nonproliferation, and the future of nuclear deterrence.

This book is about law, but it is not a law book. It is aimed at all interested contemporaries, lawyers and non-lawyers alike. Richly seasoned with personal memories and anecdotes, it offers unique insights into how European courts actually work. It is generally assumed that independence is part and parcel of the role and function of a judge. Nevertheless, European judges sometimes face difficulties in this regard. Owing to their being nominated by a government, their limited term of appointment, and the possibility of being reappointed or not, their judicial independence can be jeopardized. Certain governments have a track record of choosing candidates who they believe they can keep on a leash. When this happens, private parties are at risk of losing out. The EFTA Court is under even more pressure, since the EEA/EFTA states Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway essentially constitute a pond with one big fish (Norway) and two minnows. For quite some time now, certain Norwegian protagonists have sought to effectively transform the EEA into a bilateral agreement with the EU. This attitude has led to political implications that have affected the author himself. The independence of the EFTA Court is also endangered by the fact that it operates alongside a large sister court, the Court of Justice of the European Union. And yet the EFTA Court has established its own line of jurisprudence and its own judicial style. It has remained faithful to specific EFTA values, such as the belief in free trade and open markets, efficiency, and a modern view of mankind. During the first 24 years of its existence, it has even had an over-proportionate influence on ECJ case law. Since EEA Single Market law is economic law, the importance of economics, an often-overlooked aspect, is also addressed. In closing, the book explores Switzerland's complicated relationship with, and Britain's impending departure from, the EU. In this regard, it argues that the EFTA pillar should be expanded into a second European structure under British leadership and with Swiss participation.

Charting the evolution of Britain's leading role in the formation of NATO, the book provides a balanced assessment of British foreign and defence policies as the Cold War gathered momentum and a new system of European security was forged in the aftermath of World War II. The author argues that, despite the obvious differences between the periods, there are important lessons to be learned from post-war diplomacy by today's statesmen as they struggle to build another system of European security in the post-Cold War era. The book is based on a wide range of British, American and Canadian archives. Other published works by the author include "British Defence Policy in a Changing World", "Soviet Strategy" (with G. Segal), "Alternative Approaches to British Defence Policy", "Anglo-American Defence Relations 1939-84", "Contemporary Strategy Vols I and II" (with G. Segal, J. Garnett and P. Williams), "Nuclear War and Nuclear Peace" (with G. Segal, E. Moreton and L. Freedman), "Britain, NATO and Nuclear Weapons" (with K. Booth), "British Defence Policy: Striking the Right Balance", "Makers of Nuclear Strategy" (with J. Garnett) and "Dilemmas of World Politics" (with N. Rengger).

This book compares police reform operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan, addressing the internal machinery that makes peace operations work-or not. Recognizing that the chances for effective peacebuilding vary widely across contexts, this book investigates the impact of one of the few variables that peacebuilders do control: the management and design of peace operations. Building on field research and over one hundred expert interviews, International assistance to police reform: Managing Peacebuilding systematically compares such operations in two different contexts-Kosovo and Afghanistan-by focusing specifically on international assistance for local police reform since 1999. Four comprehensive case studies examine operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan before and after the European Union took over police reform responsibilities: in Kosovo from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and in Afghanistan from the German government. Speaking to scholars and practitioners in domestic and international organizations, the book drills in the complex relation between headquarter diplomats and field level conflict experts. Its findings combine to a set of recommendations for policy-makers to better align their operations to the contentious politics of conflict management and peacebuilding.

"This book makes a vital contribution to the current literature on human well-being. Through a condensed but incisive analysis of a wide range of sources, from ancient philosophy to the political constitutions of modern nation states, Annie Austin builds a strong case for a universal core of human well-being. Her identification of the vital importance of an "infrastructure of sociality" should be noted by academicians, politicians and policy-makers who are seeking to use well-being as a means of rethinking how we are to meet the challenges of the 21st century." -Allister McGregor, University of Sheffield, UK This book examines the differing policy implications of the different conceptions of wellbeing across the world. There is an ongoing debate, in both philosophical and policy circles, about the legitimacy of universal frameworks of wellbeing. Who should decide what it means to live a good life? Is it possible to arrive at a shared definition, or is there simply too much individual and cultural diversity in conceptions of the good life? By devising an 'overlapping consensus' on wellbeing, the book represents a starting point for political negotiation and public deliberation about the kinds of societies we (as collectivities) wish to create, and the kinds of lives we (as individuals embedded in those societies) want to live. The book provides philosophically-informed public policy insight, making it a valuable contribution to interdisciplinary wellbeing scholarship.

The World Trade Organization grew out of the post-war General agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) through a series of negotiated enhancements to GATT. Recently, the WTO has attracted controversy, accused of perpetuating the economic subservience of the Third World. This text explores the main issues.

This book critically engages with NATO's two main referent objects of security: civilisation and individuals. By rethinking the seemingly natural assumption of these two referent objects, it suggests the epistemological importance of an unconscious dimension to understand meaning formation and behaviour change in international security. The book provides a historicised and genealogical approach of the idea of civilisation that is at the core of the Alliance, in which human needs, narratives, and security arrangements are interconnected. It suggests that there is a Civilised Subject of Security at the core of modern Western security that has constantly produced civilised and secure subjects around the world, which explains NATO's emergence around a civilisational referent. The book then proceeds by considering the Individualisation of Security after the Cold War as another stage of the civilising process, based on NATO's military operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan.

This book explores and explains the reasons why the idea of universal history, a form of teleological history which holds that all peoples are travelling along the same path and destined to end at the same point, persists in political thought. Prominent in Western political thought since the middle of the eighteenth century, the idea of universal history holds that all peoples can be situated in the narrative of history on a continuum between a start and an end point, between the savage state of nature and civilized modernity. Despite various critiques, the underlying teleological principle still prevails in much contemporary thinking and policy planning, including post-conflict peace-building and development theory and practice. Anathema to contemporary ideals of pluralism and multiculturalism, universal history means that not everyone gets to write their own story, only a privileged few. For the rest, history and future are taken out of their hands, subsumed and assimilated into other people's narrative.