ASEAN has its admirers and its critics. In its third decade, it is faced with having to do more than promote the interests of some of the region's most dynamic econommies. It has to do more for its six members than just preserve the peace between them. In the 1990s the old leaders of ASEAN will all be gone. What their successors do to make ASEAN cooperation work will determine how many of them join Singapore as a newly industrialised country. The agenda for the 1990s has Indochina near the top, but as well, how to cope with the economic prowess of Japan and the growing military strength of China. ASEAN confronts the need for security both from external and internal threats. Population pressure, income redistribution, insurgency and the influence of Islam will affect all six countries in different ways. This book, a successor to the influential Understanding ASEAN, identifies the problems and predicts the responses.

Since the end of the Cold War, international institutions have had to rise to challenges of instability and insecurity in Europe. Fergus Carr and Theresa Callan examine the changing nature of European security, cooperation, and conflict. A key theme is the development of the new European security architecture and the roles of NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union and the United Nations as security providers in contemporary Europe.

With a contemporary overview of global social policy formation, the third edition of this leading textbook identifies key issues, debates and priorities for action in social policy across the Global South and North. Accessible and lively, it incorporates seven new chapters covering theory, social justice, climate, migration, gender, young people and water, energy and food. The original chapters have also been fully updated to reflect major developments in the fast-changing world of global social policy. Key features include: * overview and summary boxes to bookend each chapter; * questions for discussion and follow-up activities; * further reading and resources. Exploring what it means to locate human welfare within a global framework of social policy analysis and action, this textbook offers a perfect guide for curious students.

This book provides an in-depth analysis of EU-Tunisia negotiations during the last three decades to understand what 'joint ownership' means in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The principle of joint ownership often figures in the EU's public discourse of the EU and other international actors. Yet, it has been scarcely conceptualised and there is little research on which factors determine its presence or lack thereof. The book contributes to its definition, highlighting its evolving nature and intersubjective dimension. The author further explains how bargaining rules, practices, and procedures affect joint ownership by constraining or empowering actors, and shaping their expectations about which options they perceive are possible during the negotiations. Negotiation analysis proves useful for showing how, and to what extent, the interests of both sides eventually feature in Euro-Mediterranean agreements and enables scholars to bring back third countries' agency and perceptions into the study of the EU's external relations.

In today's globalized international system, international and regional organizations can only function effectively within the context of a larger social partnership with governments, the private sectors, and a plethora of increasingly influential interest groups. Regionalism Versus Multilateralism seeks to illustrate these new roles by tracing the way the Organization of American States (OAS), the oldest regional organization, has pursued its objectives in the context of evolving hemispheric and international circumstances. It analyzes the impact of these circumstances on the operations, programs and activities of the Organization, and the adjustments and direction which metamorphosed' the regional membership at certain crucial junctures of hemispheric and international evolution. The book does so in three parts: through an historic examination of the objectives of the Organization; a critical analysis of its response over time to the forces of growth, transformation and change; and the projection of what continuing developments might dictate on the future characteristics of the Organization if it is to respond effectively to the needs and aspirations of member states. This book is a collaboration between Christopher R. Thomas and Julian T. Magloire, with both parties contributing equally to its content and preparation.

This book assesses the important role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the management of regional political, security and economic relations. The author argues that ASEAN's prominent role in the region, spanning 50 years, is largely due to the acquiescence of the great powers who endorsed ASEAN, accepted its regional position and accorded the institution a legitimacy and durability that, otherwise, it would not have. This text offers a key intervention into the debate regarding ASEAN and regional order by showing how ASEAN's contribution to order management is part of a negotiated division of labour with the great powers. The author applies an innovative social roles analysis, which captures the dynamic interactions between ASEAN and the great powers from the Cold War to the present day.

This book focuses on one of the two G20 tracks, the finance track. It examines the evolution of the finance track in G20, the organizational structure of the finance track, and the role of international organizations in reforming the financial architecture. It discusses how the agenda is formed and driven by the political economy of the host country as well as the imperative of the time. It also documents the finance track themes taken up by different G20 presidencies over the years. Some of the common threads between the G20 emerging economies' presidencies in terms of the finance track themes that the G20 leaders have considered include financial sector regulation and reform, reform of international financial institutions, global growth and macroeconomic policies, international taxation, and financial inclusion. The book is an excellent resource for the researchers of international economics as well as for policymakers.

International Organizations (IOs) are vital institutions in world politics in which cross-border issues can be discussed and global problems managed. This path-breaking book shows the efforts that small states have made to participate more fully in IO activities. It draws attention to the challenges created by widened participation in IOs and develops an original model of the dilemmas that both IOs and small states face as the norms of sovereign equality and the right to develop coincide. Drawing on extensive qualitative data, including more than 80 interviews conducted for this book, the authors find that the strategies which both IOs and small states adopt to balance their respective dilemmas can explain both continuity and change in their interactions with institutions ranging from UN agencies to the World Trade Organization.

Written by one of the most prolific and provocative thinkers of our time, Klaus Bosselmann's latest book is set to reaffirm his rank among the leading environmental law scholars in the world. Bosselmann cogently argues that we live in deeply troubling times, characterized as they are by unprecedented socio-ecological upheaval. His vision is of a global governance order that is centred on the Earth as an integrated whole and that seeks to protect the Earth's ecological integrity, especially insofar as the global commons are concerned. This book is an original, timely and very welcome (juridical) addition to the growing body of Earth system governance literature.' - Louis J. Kotze, North-West University, South Africa, University of Lincoln, UK and Deputy-Director of the Global Network for the Study of Human Rights and the Environment'Klaus Bosselmann provides a subtle and masterful overview of the limits of contemporary law and nation-state governance in solving our planetary ecological catastrophes. Even better, he offers a range of practical and attractive alternatives, most notably the commons and new forms of trusteeship. We must promptly adopt these new/old legal forms in order to overcome compulsive economic growth and the delusions of national sovereignty, and to honor our actual dependence on the more-than-human world. This book points the way forward.' - David Bollier, author of Think Like a Commoner and cofounder of the Commons Strategies Group 'This book takes a fresh look at governance of the environment, from the long-neglected perspective of international trusteeship: What if sovereign states were not the legal 'owners' of our planet's common natural resources, but mere 'trustees' on behalf of people (present and future) as the ultimate beneficiaries? Thoroughly documented and brilliantly pleaded, Bosselmann's work opens a whole new research agenda on how to hold governments and international organizations accountable to citizens in an age of global environmental democracy.' - Peter H. Sand, University of Munich, Germany The predicament of uncontrolled growth in a finite world puts the global commons - such as oceans, atmosphere, and biosphere - at risk. So far, states have not found the means to protect what, essentially, is outside their jurisdiction. However, the jurisprudence of international law has matured to a point that makes global governance beyond state-negotiated compromises both possible and desirable. This book makes an ambitious, yet well-researched and convincing, case for trusteeship governance. Earth Governance shows how the United Nations, together with states, can draw from their own traditions to develop new, effective regimes of environmental trusteeship. Klaus Bosselmann argues that the integrity of the earth's ecological system depends on institutional reform, and that only an ethic of stewardship and trusteeship will create the institutions, laws and policies powerful enough to reclaim and protect the global commons. This comprehensive exploration of environmental governance will appeal to scholars and students of environmental law, and international law and relations, as well as to UN and government officials and policymakers.

This pivot introduces the Arctic Council and its role as a platform for dealing with local, national, regional and global challenges of relevance to the "new" Arctic. Against the backdrop of climate change and increasing commercial activity, it considers what a future Arctic should look like, from ideas of total protection to expansive oil and gas extraction. It examines the Arctic's position on the political agenda, from Norway's High North hype to a more peripheral place in the foreign policy of the US and explores the Council's role as an important international forum for dialogue and cooperation on Arctic challenges and opportunities, and a significant arena for developing knowledge and learning about a changing region.

A look at the Commonwealth from the founding of the Secretariat in 1965 to the 14th Commonwealth Games in 1990. The book is divided into three parts. "Structure" looks at origins, the Heads of Government Meetings, the Secretariat and the Commonwealth in a global setting. "Issues" covers race, Africa, inequalities and the security of small states. The largest part, on "Functioning" looks at regionalism, functional organizations, professional linkages, peoples, sport and the role of the Queen as Head of the Commonwealth. The book concludes with an "Agenda for the 1990s".

"NATO and Terrorism" posits that the post 9/11 war on terrorism has had a profound effect on NATO's post Cold War structure and military missions. "NATO and Terrorism" focuses on the decades from 1989 until 2009, during which NATO underwent two major transformations. The first was the expansion from sixteen to twenty-six member states. This section traces the evolution of the new member states from communist enemies to democratic partners, looking at their differences and similarities, the reactions of their publics to membership, and their involvement in NATO activities. The second was the radical shift in the missions of the alliance and the book analyzes the military operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq as well as the new issue of the Missile Shield for Europe. Both sections also look at how inclusion of more states is predicated on the conclusion that their geopolitical position makes them a barrier against terrorism centered further east and how the missions involve the struggle against several varieties of terrorism.

This open access book features various studies on democratization, transformation, political and economic development, and security issues in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) geographical region and beyond. Written by experts and academics in the fields of human rights, security, transformation and development, particularly in post-soviet and communist countries, it examines the status quo of regime development in various member states of the OSCE; their economic, security and human rights performance; institutional reforms and transformations and the challenges that these countries and their societies face, including the USA, Canada, Germany, Macedonia, Russia, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Mongolia. This is the 2019 edition of this Compilation Series of the OSCE Academy. The OSCE works to promote Minority Protection, Security, Democratic Development and Human Rights guided by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and to enhance securitization and development policies in Eurasia, Europe, Central Asia and North America. Since being founded in 1993, the OSCE and its agencies and departments have attracted a wealth of academic research in various fields and disciplines, ranging from economic development and election monitoring to enhancing global principles of human rights and securitization. About the OSCE Academy in Bishkek: Founded in 2004, the Academy offers post-Doc research fellowships and runs two Master Degrees, one in Economic Governance and Development and one in Politics and Security in Central Asia. The Academy"s regular academic programs and conference contributes to developing human professional capital in the sectors of particular importance for Central Asian states and societies. The Academy's graduates and visiting researchers contribute to economic development, governance and policy-making in Central Asia and beyond the OSCE region. Website: http://www.osce-academy.net/en/about/

This book examines the history of nation-building in Kosova as a model of how the theories behind nation-building, state-building and peace-building can succeed or fail. The author argues that two missing factors led to successful state-building but failed nation-building in Kosova: the balance of power and the ethnic elite. The author uses his unique expert knowledge gained over thirty years of study to present a thorough overview of international administration and nation-building in Kosova.

Providing perspectives from five Western capitals, this multinational study examines the formidable political and structural conditions for effective collaboration between NATO and the United Nations in performing peace-making and peacekeeping missions. The diplomatic and military requirements for operating principles of collective security in post-Cold War Europe are illuminated by contrasting the policies of major NATO governments. Candid assessments of the differing national attitudes that lie behind them are offered by an international team of scholars. Their analyses are set against the backdrop of the experience in Yugoslavia, and the momentous decisions on NATO's structural reform and enlargement.

This book explores the normative foundations of ASEAN and the EU. It revives the history of the two organizations in an in-depth narrative of the protracted arguments surrounding their establishment, legal integration and enlargement. While political actors used norms to legitimize their ideas for institutional change, the complex and dynamic nature of these norms also provided the breeding ground for contestation and, sometimes, institutional sclerosis and failure. Recasting these processes in an innovative English School framework, the volume makes a crucial contribution to the literature of Comparative Regionalism that goes beyond Eurocentric perspectives.

Combining case studies with normative theory, this book analyzes the democratic credentials of transnational actors participating in global governance, ranging from corporations and philanthropic foundations to NGOs and social movements. This leads to innovative interpretations of democratic legitimacy in a transnational context.

This book examines the League of Nations, state-supported terrorism, and British foreign policy after the rise of Hitler in the 1930s. It argues that with strong leadership from Britain and France, the League made it possible for states to preserve the peace of Europe after terrorists aided by Italy and Hungary killed the King of Yugoslavia in 1934. This achievement represents the League at its most effective and demonstrates that the organization could carry out its peacekeeping functions. The League also made it possible to draft two international conventions to suppress and punish acts of terrorism. While both conventions were examples of productive collaboration, in the end, few governments supported the League's anti-terrorism project in itself. Still, for Britain, Geneva served the cause of peace by helping states to settle their differences by mediation and concession while promoting international cooperation, a central conviction of British "appeasement" policy in the 1930s.

This book examines the functions of conferences within Arctic governance, as a third dimension between sovereign states and formalized cooperative arrangements. It analyzes conferences against the background of three main empirical topics. Firstly, the functions of conferences for different actor groups, both Arctic rights holders and emerging non-Arctic state actors claiming stakeholder status. From this, the book also analyzes how conferences contribute to altering the actor composition of Arctic governance as a whole. Secondly, conferences as agenda setting arenas - whether conference activities can contribute to influencing the broader agenda in the region, and conferences as arenas for agenda setting - whether participants can bring with them topics that are picked up and brought into other processes. Thirdly, the book considers the space for conferences within broader governance architectures, as links between units in the regime complex. The book further presents an in-depth case study of the two largest conferences on Arctic issues: the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly. It illustrates the diverse functions conferences can have for elements within a broader governance system, beyond serving as meeting places and networking arenas. Therefore, it is a must-read for researchers, students, and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of Arctic governance in particular, and International Relations in general.

This book reviews Southeast Asia's National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) as part of an emerging assessment of a nascent regional human rights architecture that is facing significant challenges in protecting human rights. The book asks, can NHRIs overcome its weaknesses and provide protection, including remedies, to victims of human rights abuses? Assessing NHRIs' capacity to do so is vital as the future of human rights protection lies at the national level, and other parts of the architecture-the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), and the international mechanism of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR)-though helpful, also have their limitations. The critical question the book addresses is whether NHRIs individually or collaboratively provide protection of fundamental human rights. The body of work offered in this book showcases the progress of the NHRIs in Southeast Asia where they also act as a barometer for the fluid political climate of their respective countries. Specifically, the book examines the NHRIs' capacity to provide protection, notably through the pursuit of quasi-judicial functions, and concludes that this function has either been eroded due to political developments post-establishment or has not been included in the first place. The book's findings point to the need for NHRIs to increase their effectiveness in the protection of human rights and invites readers and stakeholders to find ways of addressing this gap.

"If one wants to understand why, from its modest beginnings, the European Parliament has become a major player in EU decision-making, look no further than this book. It presents, to date, the theoretically most compelling, methodologically disciplined and empirically richest account of parliamentary self-empowerment over time, across key functions and policy areas. This volume will be a main point of reference for work on the European Parliament, the dynamics of inter-institutional politics, and EU integration more generally for years to come."-Berthold Rittberger, Professor of International Relations, University of Munich, Germany "Anyone interested in the rise of the European Parliament as a significant actor in the EU should read this book. It offers a fascinating insight into the strategies used by the Parliament to achieve its aims and the conditions for its success or failure. It ranges widely across time and policy areas to give a comprehensive analysis of the Parliament's changing institutional position."-Michael Shackleton, Professor of European Institutions, Maastricht University, The Netherlands, and former EP official This book analyses the European Parliament's strategies of self-empowerment over time stretching across cases of new institutional prerogatives as well as substantive policy areas. It considers why and how the Parliament has managed to gain formal and informal powers in this wide variety of cases. The book provides a systematic and comparative analysis of the European Parliament's formal and informal empowerment in two broad sets of cases: on the one hand, it examines the EP's empowerment since the Treaty of Rome in three areas that are characteristic of parliamentary democracies, namely legislation, the budget, and the investiture of the executive. On the other hand, it analyses the European Parliament's role in highly politicised policy areas, namely Economic and Monetary Governance and the shaping of EU trade agreements.

We are told again and again that the world has become increasingly complex and indecipherable. However, this book reminds us that we are no longer alone in the world, that it is time to move away from the mental categories of the Cold War and stop treating all those who challenge our vision of the international order as guilty "deviants" or "Barbarians." The author challenges the diplomacy of Western states, who want to continue to rule the world against history, and in particular that of France, which too often oscillates between arrogance, indecision, and ambiguity. The power play is stuck. The international order can no longer be regulated by a small club of oligarchs who exclude the weaker ones, ignore the demands of societies, and ignore the demands for justice that emerge from a new world where the actors are more numerous, more diverse and more restive to arbitrary disciplines. For this reason, this book also offers ways to think an international order that would be, if not fair, at least less unfair.

This edited volume addresses the challenges and opportunities facing NATO post-2014, applying an original approach to strategy that produces fresh insights into this hot topic within the international security community. We combine the definitions of the key strategic variables time, position, legitimacy, implementation structure and capabilities in the international relations literature on strategy with the differentiation of strategic processes into the categories of grand, security and theatre strategy in the strategic studies literature. We address NATO's internal dynamics and the role of significant members and partners, and how these influence NATO's conflict management. The volume appeals to academics and practitioners in the military and academia focusing on strategy and NATO. The edited volume demonstrates the usefulness of the concept of strategy for identifying challenges and opportunities in NATOs strategy formulation and implementation and how these can be used for the purpose of more efficient and accurate planning.

How are institutions formed and how do they change? How do institutions interact to produce action? And how formal do institutions need to be to become effective actors of governance? This textbook provides a thorough examination of institutions from a number of theoretical perspectives to identify their key characteristics. Key features of the fourth edition: Eight consistent questions are used to highlight the similarities and differences between institutions, using both formal and informal examples Two new chapters focus on informal institutions and the process of institutionalization and deinstitutionalization A wide range of theories are highlighted, giving students a broad overview of institutional theory in political science The application of these institutional theories is demonstrated using a variety of international examples. For students of comparative politics, political theory and institutions, this textbook will be an essential guide to understanding and analyzing institutions in political science.

This book states that burden-sharing is one of the most persisting sources for tension and disagreement within NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation). It also belongs to one of the most studied issues within NATO with distinguishable traditions and schools of thought. However, this pertinent question has been rarely discussed extensively by academics. The key idea of the book is to make burden-sharing more understandable as a historical, contemporary and future phenomenon. The authors take a comprehensive look at what is actually meant with burden-sharing and how it has evolved as a concept and a real-life phenomenon through the 70 years of NATO's existence.