Dr. Evans examines the international responses to the ethnic conflicts in Burundi and Rwanda from 1993-1997 and their overspill into Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). A senior UK diplomat, she concludes that the international response was impotent and incoherent--soundbite diplomacy led decision-makers to act before adequately assessing the situation and in the end it was the power of local rather than international intervention that set the agenda and provided the solution.
The author urges a number of changes in response by the international community: that the UN should create a Conflict Analysis Center at its headquarters in New York; that governments need to promote lateral understanding and co-operation between different players, including the media and the non-governmental organization community; that enlightened outside support can be most valuable when an inexperienced government has just taken over; and that greater understanding is needed on the part of Western states that traditional Western patterns of diplomacy are often inappropriate in other regions. Instead, non-party democracy and a strong element of subregional cooperation may be the models for the future.

With the accession of Cambodia in April 1999, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) finally achieved its founding vision: the incorporation of all ten South-east Asian states. However, ASEAN-10 faces an unprecedented series of challenges, stemming from the organization's rapid enlargement since 1995, economic crisis among key members, and political upheavals in Indonesia, its largest and most important member. ASEAN in 1999 is a pale imitation of the more confident organization which emerged from the end of the Cold War as one of the world's most successful experiments in regionalism. This paper asks whether ASEAN can remain relevant to the management of regional problems.

This edited book by Mills and Karp brings together political, legal and moral perspectives on the responsibilities of human rights protection in world politics today. It critiques a narrow focus on states' 'violations' of human rights, incorporates non-state actors, and looks beyond the 'Responsibility to Protect' policy framework.

This volume from the Policy Studies Organization provides critical, theoretical, and empirical perspectives on international organizations, the policy implications of these organizations, and the possible roles such agencies can play in international environmental policy. With contributions from a wide range of scholars, the work takes up such topical issues as the Rio Agenda of 1992 and its implementation; the role the European Union might play in environmental policy; the place of environmentalism in the development strategies and tactics of organizations such as the World Bank; and the development of international environmental law.

Can institutions (in the sense of formal organizations) bear duties and be ascribed blame in the same way that we understand individual human beings to be morally responsible for actions? The idea of the "institutional moral agent" is critically examined in the guise of states, transnational corporations, the UN, NATO and international society in the context of some of the most critical and debated issues and events in international relations, including the Kosovo Campaign, development aid, and genocide in Rwanda.

With the approach of the 21st century, global changes are rendering the Caribbean's traditional economic platform obsolete. This text suggests that the expanding NAFTA or the hemispheric turn towards bloc formation may offer a solution. However, the author argues that politics must be brought back into the regionalization process, for each island government is witnessing the narrowing of the range of its state power by powerful TNCs, international financial institutions, Washington interests and corporate-backed WTO commissions.

This book provides practice-oriented insights into the agency of two previously underestimated actors in Southeast Asian regionalism: the ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN's dialog partners. In doing so, it offers an inside view of the policymaking processes in the ASEAN Political-Security and the ASEAN Economic Community, analyzing the interplay and agency by both actors in agenda setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and monitoring. Drawing on a trove of novel data, including never-before analyzed sources and numerous interviews with ASEAN insiders, the book showcases a number of concrete cases of policymaking, including competition and counterterrorism policies. The chapters focusing on the ASEAN Secretariat address aspects related to institutional autonomy, capacity, and reforms within the bureaucracy. In the chapters on ASEAN's dialog partners, the book provides insights into the bilateral management of institutional support programs, as well as the impacts of support on ASEAN's policymaking processes.

This extensively revised and updated directory of international foundations, trusts and other similar non-profit institutions provides a comprehensive picture of foundation activity on a world scale. The new large format publication offers detailed information on over 2,000 institutions, arranged by country, covering over 100 countries.
Introductory essays are included. Entries are arranged alphabetically by country with main foundation centers/coordinating bodies listed at the beginning of each chapter, followed by the charities, NGOs and foundations. Each entry contains the institution's name, postal, internet and email addresses, telephone and fax numbers, together with date of foundation, and details of its function, activities, restrictions on grants, geographical area of activity, finances, publications and key executives where available. It includes an index of foundations and a separate index of their main activities and geographical region of activity. A wide range of activity is covered, including aid to less developed countries, the environment, education, the arts and humanities, and medicine and health. Each organization has been contacted so that information is accurate and up-to-date.

"The Europa Directory of International Organizations 2002" is an extensive and unequalled one-volume research guide to international organizations around the world. Offering truly international coverage, it brings together contact details, further data and definitions on over 1,700 international and regional organizations world wide. It is extensively researched, covering a wide spectrum of organizations from the UN and its specialized agencies to the League of Arab States and Black Sea Economic Cooperation.
This reference includes a detailed calendar of events, a chronology charting the major events in the history of leading organizations, texts of significant international documents, and a who's who in international organizations. Organizations are arranged alphabetically, and each entry contains facts on the organization's full definition of activities, details of membership, representation, finance, publications, research institutes and contact details. It includes an invaluable index to the organizations.

This book is devoted to the analysis of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and its role in international and national policy making. On its 50th anniversary, the OECD enjoys widely acknowledged international standing. Despite this, it has so far remained a rarely researched and analyzed organization. Mechanisms of OECD Governance is thus a pioneering work: it fills a long-overdue gap in presenting a theoretically guided and empirically rich analysis of the OECD as a political actor, and explores its role in political processes through various case studies in a variety of policy fields. By conceptualizing the contributions to this volume around the concept of mechanisms of governance, the book explores how and to what extent the OECD provides international incentives for national policy making.
The volume collects a set of ten contributions on the OECD and its activities in core fields of its commitment as an 'economic organization', such as economic and labor market policy, tax issues, finance or financial crime, but also in complementary fields in which the organization is active today despite its original economic focus, such as education, biotechnology, health, family issues, and migration. The case studies presented in this volume are an interdisciplinary collection from different academic perspectives, including political science, international relations, law, and organization studies. Mechanisms of OECD Governance provides a current and wide-ranging analysis of this organization including its constraints and opportunities in policy making.

The first examination of the importance of NATO's Mediterranean Initiative for the security and stability of the Euro-Mediterranean area, this book discusses the challenges, risks, and possible threats to NATO member states which may stem from the southern and eastern Mediterranean.

Charting the evolution of Britain's leading role in the formation of NATO, the book provides a balanced assessment of British foreign and defence policies as the Cold War gathered momentum and a new system of European security was forged in the aftermath of World War II. The author argues that, despite the obvious differences between the periods, there are important lessons to be learned from post-war diplomacy by today's statesmen as they struggle to build another system of European security in the post-Cold War era. The book is based on a wide range of British, American and Canadian archives. Other published works by the author include "British Defence Policy in a Changing World", "Soviet Strategy" (with G. Segal), "Alternative Approaches to British Defence Policy", "Anglo-American Defence Relations 1939-84", "Contemporary Strategy Vols I and II" (with G. Segal, J. Garnett and P. Williams), "Nuclear War and Nuclear Peace" (with G. Segal, E. Moreton and L. Freedman), "Britain, NATO and Nuclear Weapons" (with K. Booth), "British Defence Policy: Striking the Right Balance", "Makers of Nuclear Strategy" (with J. Garnett) and "Dilemmas of World Politics" (with N. Rengger).

This book is about law, but it is not a law book. It is aimed at all interested contemporaries, lawyers and non-lawyers alike. Richly seasoned with personal memories and anecdotes, it offers unique insights into how European courts actually work. It is generally assumed that independence is part and parcel of the role and function of a judge. Nevertheless, European judges sometimes face difficulties in this regard. Owing to their being nominated by a government, their limited term of appointment, and the possibility of being reappointed or not, their judicial independence can be jeopardized. Certain governments have a track record of choosing candidates who they believe they can keep on a leash. When this happens, private parties are at risk of losing out. The EFTA Court is under even more pressure, since the EEA/EFTA states Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway essentially constitute a pond with one big fish (Norway) and two minnows. For quite some time now, certain Norwegian protagonists have sought to effectively transform the EEA into a bilateral agreement with the EU. This attitude has led to political implications that have affected the author himself. The independence of the EFTA Court is also endangered by the fact that it operates alongside a large sister court, the Court of Justice of the European Union. And yet the EFTA Court has established its own line of jurisprudence and its own judicial style. It has remained faithful to specific EFTA values, such as the belief in free trade and open markets, efficiency, and a modern view of mankind. During the first 24 years of its existence, it has even had an over-proportionate influence on ECJ case law. Since EEA Single Market law is economic law, the importance of economics, an often-overlooked aspect, is also addressed. In closing, the book explores Switzerland's complicated relationship with, and Britain's impending departure from, the EU. In this regard, it argues that the EFTA pillar should be expanded into a second European structure under British leadership and with Swiss participation.

The World Trade Organization grew out of the post-war General agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) through a series of negotiated enhancements to GATT. Recently, the WTO has attracted controversy, accused of perpetuating the economic subservience of the Third World. This text explores the main issues.

Established in 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) performed its assigned mission exceedingly well as it secured peace for its member states and avoided military confrontation between the superpowers during the remaining four decades of the Cold War. But with the dramatic changes that began in 1989, an identity crisis has plagued NATO. Whereas the Cold War years had essentially defined who would be fighting whom in a future conflict, the uncertain post-1989 years are introducing new and possibly calamitous variables. Despite the fact that hardly a voice has been heard calling for its dissolution and that states from the former Warsaw Pact are seeking membership, NATO's members face the demanding task of defining the new strategic challenges and formulating appropriate policies and responses. The articles in this volume combine to present a comprehensive investigation of the diverse problems confronting NATO. The contributions each provide relevant historical background before analyzing current conditions and projecting into the future. An opening essay offers an overview of NATO after forty-five years and is followed by others dealing with NATO's structural changes for the 1990s, NATO's shifting strategy, and NATO's developing connections with other international organizations, such as the United Nations, CSCE, and the European Community. The concluding part of the volume includes essays focusing on NATO's associations with the United States, the Anglo-American special relationship, the Balkans, the former Warsaw Pact states, and the Middle East.

This book examines conflict resolution efforts in Latin America by the Organization of American States (OAS) over the past fifty years by exploring the relationship of the United States with other member states within the context of the OAS. The book focuses on the impact of institutional factors on the influence that member states are able to wield within the organization. This innovative theoretical approach yields general insights into organizational behaviour and interstate relations within an international organization. The examination of thirty-one cases provides a wealth of empirical data and facilitates cross case comparisons.

Chaya Arora assesses the diplomatic path of influence taken by German decision-makers during the early nineties in pursuit of their cautiously articulated interest in and commitment to the eastward enlargement of NATO."

This volume offers a timely and important study on how norms are transferred from the international into the domestic domain through processes of socialization. It seeks to understand the process of change in post-Cold War Europe from a divided continent into a community with a common identity, based on shared values and ideas. It also offers an explanation for why the process of change has occurred easily in some countries and with more difficulty or not at all in others.

The range of global human rights institutions which have been created over the past half century is a remarkable achievement. Yet, their establishment and proliferation raises important questions. Why do states create such institutions and what do they want them to achieve? Does this differ from what the institutions themselves seek to accomplish? Are global human rights institutions effective remedies for violations of human dignity or temples for the performance of stale bureaucratic rituals? What happens to human rights when they are being framed in global institutions?
This book is an introduction to global human rights institutions and to the challenges and paradoxes of institutionalizing human rights. Drawing on international legal scholarship and international relations literature, it examines UN institutions with a human rights mandate, the process of mainstreaming human rights, international courts which adjudicate human rights, and non-governmental human rights organizations.
In mapping the ever more complex network of global human rights institutions it asks what these institutions are and what they are for. It critically assesses and appraises the ways in which global institutions bureaucratize human rights, and reflects on how this process is changing our perception of human rights.

The project includes almost 30 contributions from prominent worldwide scholars assessing the state of EU US relations after the war in Iraq. These articles were commissioned at the meeting of the 25 EU Foreign Ministers at Rhodes in May 2003, during the EU Greek Presidency. EU US Relations offers answers to the major questions and thorny problem of the future of transatlantic relations. The book presents viewpoints from both sides of the Atlantic, from academics and politicians. It also offers the potential solutions as to the future of EU US relations and the strengthening and organization of the common foreign policy of the EU after the war in Iraq. GILLES ADREANNI DAVID ANDREWS EMILIOS AVGOULEAS SCOTT BARRETT DICK BENSCHOP TOM BENTLEY CHRISTOPH BERTRAM JAN DIRK BLAAUW ELMAR BROK JOHN BRUTON TED GALEN CARPENTER THEODORE A. COULOMBIS KEMAL DERVIS A.A. FATOUROS TIMOTHY GARTON ASH BRONISLAW GEREMEK MISHA GLENNY ALAN K. HENRIKSON CHRISTOPHER HILL STANLEY HOFFMANN DIMITRIS KONSTAS F. STEPHEN LARRABEE JONATHAN LIPKIN ANAND MENON KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS JOSEPH NYE GEORGE A. PAPANDREOU Greek Foreign Minister GEORGIOS PAPASTAMKOS WILLIAM PFAFF FRIEDBERT PFLGER POTSDAM CENTRE FOR TRANSATLANTIC

This book examines the recent changes in strategic stability, caused by the collapse of the international security architecture. Against the background of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, international experts discuss topics and critical issues such as the revanchist strategy of Russia and the readiness of the United States (US) and Europe to give an adequate response; the influence of new technologies in the future of nuclear deterrence; and the crumbling of the arms control and nonproliferation system under the new challenges. The book explains how the combination of these factors lead to a crucial change of strategic stability and the international security landscape, the first such change since the end of the Cold War. Divided into three parts, the book presents timely analyses on (1) US, Russia: New Challenges and Strategic Stability in Europe; (2) Extended Deterrence and Arms Control in Europe; and (3) Regional Dimensions of Strategic Stability in Europe. It further offers perspectives from and case studies on different countries, such as Ukraine, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the USA, Turkey, Poland, and Romania. This book is a must-read for scholars for international relations, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the changing international security architecture, Russia's strategy, arms control, nonproliferation, and the future of nuclear deterrence.

Mainstream economists have given insufficient attention to regional and urban economics and economic geography. Comparing nations in the European Union and North America, this book examines government activities aimed specifically at regional economic development. It provides a wide ranging consideration of numerous facets of regional economic development, encompassing both national and subnational levels. Proposing that a period of economic prosperity is the best time to invest in regional development, the author indicates the need for a direct role by the federal government.

The study is based on a review of the U.S., Canada, and Mexico, the European Union, and supranational organizations, such as NAFTA and the WTO, and their internal impact on regions. The comparison shows that the U.S. lags dramatically behind the European Union. The EU, particularly the Western European countries, has long been in the forefront of regional policy and is actively formulating policy, whereas the U.S. has no semblance of a federal regional policy.

We have known for many decades that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 "failed", in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the Paris Peace Conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking the world. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on 28 June 1919. Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on "justice" produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference sought to unmix lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. The conference sought not so much to oppose revolution as to instrumentalize it in the new international system. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the failure of the conference, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.

This book provides a concise account of the principles and norms of international law applicable to the main-type of international organisation - the inter-governmental organisation (IGO). That law consists of principles and rules found in the founding documents of IGOs along with applicable principles and rules of international law. The book also identifies and analyses the law produced by IGOs, applied by them and, occasionally, enforced by them. There is a concentration upon the United Nations, as the paradigmatic IGO, not only upon the UN organisation headquartered in New York, but on other IGOs in the UN system (the specialised agencies such as the World Health Organisation). -- .

By analyzing the UN Environment Programme's (UNEP's) contribution to peacebuilding, this book aims to show how international bureaucracies develop knowledge and thereby come to matter on the world stage. Portraying UNEP as an open system, it explores how a growing understanding within the Programme of how environmental degradation shapes insecurities and vice versa has motivated its work on peacebuilding. The theoretical part of this book addresses knowledge, open systems, and knowledge creation. It then presents a historical discussion of UNEP's development in an open system context. Finally, it investigates how knowledge emergence on the linkage between the environment, conflicts, and insecurities influenced UNEP's interests and its work on environmental peacebuilding.