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Books > Business & Economics > Industry & industrial studies > Service industries > Security services > General
National security has been at the forefront of the Israeli experience for seven decades, with threats ranging from terrorism, to vast rocket and missile arsenals, and even existential nuclear dangers. Yet, despite its overwhelming preoccupation with foreign and defense affairs, Israel does not have a formal national security strategy. In Israeli National Security, Chuck Freilich presents an authoritative analysis of the military, diplomatic, demographic, and societal challenges Israel faces today, to propose a comprehensive and long-term Israeli national security strategy. The heart of the new strategy places greater emphasis on restraint, defense, and diplomacy as means of addressing the challenges Israel faces, along with the military capacity to deter and, if necessary, defeat Israel's adversaries, while also maintaining the resolve of its society. By bringing Israel's most critical debates about the Palestinians, demography, Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, US relations and nuclear strategy into sharp focus, the strategy Freilich proposes addresses the primary challenges Israel must address in order to chart its national course. The most comprehensive study of Israel's national security to date, this book presents the first public proposal for a comprehensive Israeli national security strategy and prescribes an actionable course forward.
U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM) and U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) are updating their existing civil support plans to include a complex catastrophe scenario, as directed by the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Staff. However, the commands are delaying the identification of capabilities that could be provided to execute the plans until the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), the lead federal response agency, completes its regional planning efforts in 2018. This book assesses the extent to which DOD has planned for and identified capabilities to respond to complex catastrophes; and established a command and control construct for complex catastrophes and other multistate incidents. It also establishes Department of Defense (DoD) priorities in the areas of homeland defense and defense support of civil authorities through 2020, consistent with the president's National Security Strategy and the 2012 Defense Strategic Guidance.
The Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) mission includes law enforcement elements, which require the department, through its components, to manage various types of firearms. DHS's annual ammunition purchases have declined since fiscal year 2009 and are comparable in number to the Department of Justice's (DOJ) ammunition purchases. In fiscal year 2013, DHS purchased 84 million rounds of ammunition, which is less than DHS's ammunition purchases over the past 5 fiscal years. DHS component officials said the decline in ammunition purchases in fiscal year 2013 was primarily a result of budget constraints, which meant reducing the number of training classes, and drawing on their ammunition inventories. This book addresses trends in DHS's ammunition purchases since fiscal year 2008, how DHS's purchases compare with DOJ's, and what factors affect DHS's purchase decisions.
According to Homeland Security Presidential Directive 10 (HSPD-10): Biodefense for the 21st Century, a national bioawareness capability providing early warning, detection, or recognition of a biological weapon attack is an essential component of biodefense. To contribute to this national capability, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) operates the BioWatch program, which uses routine laboratory testing designed to detect an aerosolised biological attack for five specific biological agents considered high risk for use as biological weapons. The BioWatch program is a federally-managed, locally operated system with collectors deployed primarily in outdoor locations in more than 30 major metropolitan areas. This book provides an overview of the BioWatch Generation-3 Acquisition program with a focus on meeting mission needs for effective biosurveillance.
The deaths of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other U.S. personnel in Benghazi, Libya, on 11 September 2012, along with attacks on U.S. embassies in Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, and Yemen, have drawn renewed attention to the challenges facing U.S. diplomats abroad, as well as to the difficulty in balancing concerns for their security against the outreach required of their mission. Congress plays a key role in shaping the response to these challenges, such as by providing resources for diplomatic security and examining security breaches overseas. The inability to provide perfect security, especially against the evident threat of mob violence, has focused particular scrutiny on the deployment of diplomatic personnel in high-threat environments. This book provides background information on the authorities, regulations, and procedures in place at the Department of State regarding diplomatic security with additional discussion on embassy security funding trends.
This book provides background information and potential oversight issues for Congress on the Coast Guard's programs for procuring eight National Security Cutters, 25 Offshore Patrol Cutters, and 58 Fast Response Cutters. These 91 planned cutters are intended as replacements for 90 ageing Coast Guard cutters and patrol craft. Additionally discussed is the sustainment and modernization of the Coast Guard's polar icebreaker fleet, which performs a variety of missions supporting U.S. interests in polar regions. The issue for Congress is whether to approve, reject, or modify Coast Guard funding and modernization requests and acquisition strategies. Congressional decisions could affect the Coast Guard's capabilities and funding requirements, the performance of polar missions and the U.S. shipbuilding industrial base.
In seeking to evaluate the efficacy of post-9/11 homeland security
expenses--which have risen by more than a trillion dollars, not
including war costs--the common query has been, "Are we safer?"
This, however, is the wrong question. Of course we are "safer"--the
posting of a single security guard at one building's entrance
enhances safety. The correct question is, "Are any gains in
security worth the funds expended?"
Sierra Leone is often cited as a highly influential example of security sector reform (SSR) in practice. In the ten years (1997 - 2007) covered in this volume, Sierra Leone transitioned from open conflict to a process of consolidation and development that culminated in the successful general elections of 2007. SSR is understood as being at the heart of this change. Security Sector Reform in Sierra Leone 1997 - 2007: Views from the Frontline seeks to shed new light on this process by giving a voice to stakeholders that were intimately involved in SSR efforts within Sierra Leone. Contributions from both UK and Sierra Leonean personnel provide authentic perspectives that enable us to draw important lessons from a dynamic and evolving relationship between national actors and the wider international community.
Conventional wisdom holds that weak and failing states are the source of the world's most pressing security threats. After all, the 9/11 attacks originated in an impoverished, war-ravaged country, and transnational crime appears to flourish in weakly governed states. However, our assumptions about the threats posed by failing states are based on anecdotal arguments, not on a systematic analysis of the connections between state failure and transnational security threats. Analyzing terrorism, transnational crime, WMDs, pandemic diseases, and energy insecurity, Stewart Patrick shows that while some global threats do emerge in fragile states, most of their weaknesses create misery only for their own citizenry. Moreover, many threats originate farther up the chain, in wealthier and more stable countries like Russia and Venezuela. Weak Links will force policymakers to rethink what they assume about state failure and transnational insecurity.
This volume seeks to address the security interest of independent Ukraine comprehensively in the light of international security cooperation options, including NATO membership. The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces has cooperated with the Ukrainian parliament and defence ministry since 2000. Current cooperation focuses on defence management reform.
Roy Snell has been in what he calls "close protection" for more than 16 years, guarding international royalty and celebrities including Madonna, Schwarzenegger, Stallone, Bruce Willis, Tom Jones, and Frank Sinatra. A former SAS sniper and heavyweight boxing champion, Roy is Britain's ultimate bodyguard. Roy was trained at the Regency College in Herefordshire, where the royal protection squad is drilled. He started out in security at showcases for the big bands of the 1980s--Duran Duran, Eurythmics, Aha, Kajagoogoo, and at a Wham! gig, he protected George Michael from a man with a baseball bat. A "Category A" bodyguard--a level that takes two years of training to reach--Roy is qualified to look after top level celebrity clients, from film stars to athletes, singers to royalty. Roy is also a skilled marksman trained in the use of the 9mm Bereta sub-machine gun and the 38 Snubnose--the standard issue weapon for the FBI.
The present book addresses the prospects for security sector reform and governance regimes, focusing on democratic civilian control of armed forces. It assesses the extent to which the pioneering OSCE experience has inspired Africa and the Americas within their respective multilateral institutional settings.
The March 2006 furor over a Dubai firms attempt to purchase the company managing some U.S. ports illustrates the difficult homeland security challenges that exist at the nexus of privately owned critical assets as well as global interdependence. Unfortunately, nearly five years after the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington, D.C., federal efforts to enlist the private sector in bolstering homeland security remain largely stillborn. Neglected Defense offers a thoughtful and tightly reasoned analysis of why that is so. It presents a way forward for strengthening cooperation between the private sector and government on homeland security. The report begins by laying out the policy dilemma in detail. It offers a recent history of the security role of the private sector, and highlights specific problems that have kept public-private security partnerships from maturing. It concludes with a series of recommendationsfor Congress, the Bush administration, and the private sectorto better secure the homeland.
The Security Handbook, Second Edition is a user-friendly guide for
security officers and guards, covering everything from introductory
information to advanced topics. Whether looking for entry into the
profession or development within the security industry, this book
offers the practical information, training, and need-to-know
techniques for the realization of professional goals.
Internal loss is one of the most costly forms of loss. Embezzlement
is one of the least detected and prosecuted forms of internal
theft. Preventing Corporate Embezzlement is a professional
reference that offers solutions. Managers, auditors and others
charged with protecting assets must achieve a heightened awareness
of embezzlement. They need to recognize and understand the
opportunities, methods, and varieties of embezzlement, as well as
establish internal controls that will prevent and detect
embezzlement.
This book begins by laying out a history of espionage that clearly
shows that when a new technology or technique becomes available to
the information gatherers in public and private sectors, they can
quickly be adopted for Netspionage use. It then moves on to
describe how the Internet and associated technologies have already
revolutionized the collection and analysis of competitive
information. The convergence of dependency on networked and
exploitation tools (often propagated by "hackers," "cyberpunks,"
and even intelligence agencies) has already resulted in several
incidents that foreshadow the perilous future. Close study of these
incidents demonstrates how difficult yet how important it is to
confront the challenges of "netspionage" and its less intrusive
cousins. The authors present a set of the known incidents and then
outline protective measures that will reduce the potential and
consequences of netspionage.
With half of all new businesses failing in the first two years,
every aspect of good business planning must be considered, but loss
prevention is very often overlooked. Most small business owners
grapple with the day to day challenges of sales and marketing,
never realizing that the shadow of shrinkage is expanding daily,
waiting to reveal itself in the annual inventory results. Ravaged
by theft and paperwork losses, the already tight profit margin can
shrink into oblivion. Loss Prevention and the Small Business opens
the eyes of the reader to the reality of shrinkage in all its
guises including shoplifting, fraud, and embezzlement. Armed with
this awareness, the security specialist or owner/manager can
utilize the many strategies to both inhibit losses and aggressively
pursue those persons and processes that cause losses.
Premises Security: A Guide for Attorneys and Security Professionals
guides the security professional through the ins and outs of
premises security liability. Premises security litigation claims
represent a serious financial threat to owners and occupiers of
property. This book provides an overview of risk assessment
techniques, identification of reasonable security measures, legal
issues and litigation strategies.
This is a truly unique collection of 39 articles written by
authorities or based on authoritative research. It goes beyond
locks, lighting, and alarms to offer provocative viewpoints on a
variety of security topics. The book looks beyond everyday applications and routines to an
understanding of the social significance of careers in security. It
will be of interest to practitioners in all sectors as well as
students at all levels.
The idea of espionage has always carried a certain mystique, having
grown its roots in the political and national defense spheres.
Today, espionage must be taken seriously in the business arena as
well. Having company secrets stolen by competitors is costly and
can be lethal. Counterespionage for American Business is a how-to
manual for security professionals that teaches secret methods
counterespionage experts have been using for years to protect
business information
Goldberg (finance, U. of Miami) and White (economics, New York U.) present the results of a 1978 conference that brought together representatives from business, government, and academics. Much of the conversation revolves around the Glass- Steagall Act and attempts to remove the dividing line betwee
A Guide to the National Initiative for Cybersecurity Education (NICE) Cybersecurity Workforce Framework (2.0) presents a comprehensive discussion of the tasks, knowledge, skill, and ability (KSA) requirements of the NICE Cybersecurity Workforce Framework 2.0. It discusses in detail the relationship between the NICE framework and the NIST's cybersecurity framework (CSF), showing how the NICE model specifies what the particular specialty areas of the workforce should be doing in order to ensure that the CSF's identification, protection, defense, response, or recovery functions are being carried out properly. The authors construct a detailed picture of the proper organization and conduct of a strategic infrastructure security operation, describing how these two frameworks provide an explicit definition of the field of cybersecurity. The book is unique in that it is based on well-accepted standard recommendations rather than presumed expertise. It is the first book to align with and explain the requirements of a national-level initiative to standardize the study of information security. Moreover, it contains knowledge elements that represent the first fully validated and authoritative body of knowledge (BOK) in cybersecurity. The book is divided into two parts: The first part is comprised of three chapters that give you a comprehensive understanding of the structure and intent of the NICE model, its various elements, and their detailed contents. The second part contains seven chapters that introduce you to each knowledge area individually. Together, these parts help you build a comprehensive understanding of how to organize and execute a cybersecurity workforce definition using standard best practice.
In February of 2011, Libyan citizens rebelled against Muammar Qaddafi and quickly unseated him. The speed of the regime's collapse confounded many observers, and the ensuing civil war showed Foreign Policy's index of failed states to be deeply flawed-FP had, in 2010, identified 110 states as being more likely than Libya to descend into chaos. They were spectacularly wrong, but this points to a larger error in conventional foreign policy wisdom: failed, or weak and unstable, states are not anomalies but are instead in the majority. More states resemble Libya than Sweden. Why are most states weak and unstable? Taking as his launching point Charles Tilly's famous dictum that 'war made the state, and the state made war,' Arjun Chowdhury argues that the problem lies in our mistaken equation of democracy and economic power with stability. But major wars are the true source of stability: only the existential crisis that such wars produced could lead citizens to willingly sacrifice the resources that allowed the state to build the capacity it needed for survival. Developing states in the postcolonial era never experienced the demands major interstate war placed on European states, and hence citizens in those nations have been unwilling to sacrifice the resources that would build state capacity. For example, India and Mexico are established democracies with large economies. Despite their indices of stability, both countries are far from stable: there is an active Maoist insurgency in almost a quarter of India's districts, and Mexico is plagued by violence, drug trafficking, and high levels of corruption in local government. Nor are either effective at collecting revenue. As a consequence, they do not have the tax base necessary to perform the most fundamental tasks of modern states: controlling organized violence in a given territory and providing basic services to citizens. By this standard, the majority of states in the world-about two thirds-are weak states. Chowdury maintains that an accurate evaluation of international security requires a normative shift : the language of weakness and failure belies the fact that strong states are exceptions. Chowdhury believes that dismantling this norm is crucial, as it encourages developing states to pursue state-building via war, which is an extremely costly approach-in terms of human lives and capital. Moreover, in our era, such an approach is destined to fail because the total wars of the past are highly unlikely to occur today. Just as importantly, the non-state alternatives on offer are not viable alternatives. For better or worse, we will continue to live in a state-dominated world where most states are weak. Counterintuitive and sweeping in its coverage, The Myth of International Order demands that we fundamentally rethink foundational concepts of international politics like political stability and state failure.
Some pundits claim cyber weaponry is the most important military innovation in decades, a transformative new technology that promises a paralyzing first-strike advantage difficult for opponents to deter. Yet, what is cyber strategy? How do actors use cyber capabilities to achieve a position of advantage against rival states? This book examines the emerging art of cyber strategy and its integration as part of a larger approach to coercion by states in the international system between 2000 and 2014. To this end, the book establishes a theoretical framework in the coercion literature for evaluating the efficacy of cyber operations. Cyber coercion represents the use of manipulation, denial, and punishment strategies in the digital frontier to achieve some strategic end. As a contemporary form of covert action and political warfare, cyber operations rarely produce concessions and tend to achieve only limited, signaling objectives. When cyber operations do produce concessions between rival states, they tend to be part of a larger integrated coercive strategy that combines network intrusions with other traditional forms of statecraft such as military threats, economic sanctions, and diplomacy. The books finds that cyber operations rarely produce concessions in isolation. They are additive instruments that complement traditional statecraft and coercive diplomacy. The book combines an analysis of cyber exchanges between rival states and broader event data on political, military, and economic interactions with case studies on the leading cyber powers: Russia, China, and the United States. The authors investigate cyber strategies in their integrated and isolated contexts, demonstrating that they are useful for maximizing informational asymmetries and disruptions, and thus are important, but limited coercive tools. This empirical foundation allows the authors to explore how leading actors employ cyber strategy and the implications for international relations in the 21st century. While most military plans involving cyber attributes remain highly classified, the authors piece together strategies based on observations of attacks over time and through the policy discussion in unclassified space. The result will be the first broad evaluation of the efficacy of various strategic options in a digital world.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) became the nation's 15th Cabinet department in January 2003. Twenty-two agencies with different missions, operations and cultures were consolidated and realigned into one organisation with its primary mission being that of prevention, preparation for and response to catastrophes affecting our homeland, while facilitating legitimate travel and trade (Appendix C). DHS now employs over 208,000 individuals who are located in every state and many foreign countries making it the third largest cabinet agency. |
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