At a time when a lasting peace between Palestinians and Israelis seems virtually unattainable, understanding the roots of the longest-running conflict in the Middle East is an essential step in restoring hope to the region. In "The Iron Cage", Rashid Khalidi, one of the most respected historians and political observers of the Middle East, examines the Palestinian's struggle for statehood, presenting a succinct and insightful history of the people and their leadership throughout the twentieth century. Ranging from the Palestinian struggle against colonial rule and the establishment of the State of Israel, through the eras of the PLO, the Palestinian Authority, and Hamas, this is an unflinching and sobering critique of the Palestinian failure to achieve statehood, as well as a balanced account of the odds ranged against them. Lucid yet challenging, Rashid Khalidi's engrossing narrative of this tortuous history is required reading for anyone concerned about peace in the Middle East.

This unique volume comprising writings and memoirs covering the half century since the end of the Pacific War, offers the reader a fascinating and remarkable collection of personal experiences of Japan across a wide spectrum.

Japan's legal and political system is completely alien to its history and culture, imposed on the Japanese people without their involvement after the Second World War. A lifeless and little-understood document based on a foreign value system, it has been open to dangerous misinterpretation and abuse.;Peter Herzog examines the effects of this disastrous turn of events in his carefully-researched and fascinating book, detailing instances where this abuse has taken horrifying proportions in key areas of Japanese public life. Indefensible decisions made by the courts on issues such as the electroal system, education, freedom of workers, have resulted in Japan being a democracy in name only.;Scandals involving collusion between politicians and big business which have rocked the country, lavish overspending by local authorities on prestige projects rather than desparately-needed public housing, and key decision-making being in the hands of the non-accountable bureacracy rather than politicians are just some of the results of this state of affairs. The author's approach makes this book a useful record and source of reference.

This work includes landmarks in social, economic and political development in post-war Japan.

These evocative stories bring to life the tragic personal impact of the Cultural Revolution on the families of China's intellectuals. Now adults, survivors recall their childhood during the tumultuous years between 1965 and 1976, when Mao's death finally drew a curtain on a bitterly failed social and political experiment.A series of first-person narratives eloquently describes the life-long influence of this seminal period on China's children. Those who were teenagers in the late 1960s joined the Red Guards and the revolutionary rebel groups, following Mao's directives to make revolution, often to their own undoing. Those who were too young to participate directly were even more vulnerable. Although they had little understanding of the political firestorm that engulfed their parents, they were old enough to understand and feel the terror it brought. Vividly capturing the emotional intensity of the time, these stories explore what it was like to be caught up in revolutionary fervor, to be sent to the countryside, to be separated--either ideologically or physically--from one's parents, often forever.By undermining families and family structure, the Cultural Revolution created a generation of Chinese who view politics, the Communist Party, and life itself with deep cynicism. Presenting a spectrum of individual stories of people who saw the Cultural Revolution through the eyes of a child, "The Red Mirror" offers rare insights for understanding the crippling legacy of the Cultural Revolution.

Lee Kuan Yew is one of the most influential leaders in Asia. In this illuminating account, Lee writes frankly about his disapproving approach to political opponents and his often unorthodox views on human rights, democracy, and inherited intelligence, aiming always “to be correct, not politically correct.”Since it’s independence in 1965, tiny Singapore – once a poor and decrepit colony – has risen to become a rich and thriving Asian metropolis.From Third World to First is a fascinating and insightful account of Singapore’s survival from a history of oppressive colonialism, the Second World War and major poverty and disorder.Lee also uses previously unpublished official government reports and papers to explain how he led a tiny country into becoming a prosperous and secure modern society, amid the constant hostility of world politics.Today Singapore boasts not only to have the busiest port of trade, best airport with the world’s number one airline, but also the world’s fourth-highest per capita real income? An Island hailed as the city of the future, Singapore’s miraculous history is dramatically recounted by the man who not only lived through it all but fearlessly forged ahead and brought about most of the changes.Lee highlights is relationships with his political peers from Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan to George Bush and poetry-spouting Jiang Zemin. Also a father of three Lee writes warmly of his family life.From Third World to First offers readers a compelling glimpse not only into the heart but also the mind of an incredibly influential man who is impossible to ignore in Asian and international politics.

Hyderabad state, before the Independence of India, covered an area of 82,698 sq. miles, with 16 districts was an extensive plateau with an average elevation of about 1,250 feet above sea level. It was divided between two equally great trappean regions, corresponding to the geological and ethnological aspects of the state, which divided the region, viz., the Godavari and Manjira, separating as they do the Maratha race from the Telugu and Kanarese people of the south, the region of trappean rocks of the north and west from the granite and limestone region of the south and east; and the land of wheat and cotton from the land of rice and tanks.

The grandson of an Indian immigrant and the first Malay commoner to become prime minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohamad turned the Muslim-majority Southeast Asian country into one of the developing world's most successful economies. During his 22 years in power he adopted pragmatic economic policies alongside repressive political measures, and showed that Islam was compatible with representative government and modernization. Abrasive and outspoken, Mahathir emerged as a Third World champion and Islamic spokesman by condemning the West, not least for trying to impose liberal democracy and neo-liberal economics on developing nations. By raising living standards and winning international acclaim, he contributed to a sense of national identity, pride and confidence among ethnically diverse Malaysians. But in mixing business and politics, Mahathir encouraged cronyism and failed to prevent the spread of corruption. Authoritarian and impatient, he jailed opponents, sacked rivals and undermined institutions as he pursued his obsession with development. In retirement, he broke a promise to stay out of politics, falling out with his two successors while using all available means to protect his legacy.

Relations between the Choson and Qing states are often cited as the prime example of the operation of the "traditional" Chinese "tribute system." In contrast, this work contends that the motivations, tactics, and successes (and failures) of the late Qing Empire in Choson Korea mirrored those of other nineteenth-century imperialists. Between 1850 and 1910, the Qing attempted to defend its informal empire in Korea by intervening directly, not only to preserve its geopolitical position but also to promote its commercial interests. And it utilized the technology of empire--treaties, international law, the telegraph, steamships, and gunboats.

Although the transformation of Qing-Choson diplomacy was based on modern imperialism, this work argues that it is more accurate to describe the dramatic shift in relations in terms of flexible adaptation by one of the world's major empires in response to new challenges. Moreover, the new modes of Qing imperialism were a hybrid of East Asian and Western mechanisms and institutions. Through these means, the Qing Empire played a fundamental role in Korea's integration into regional and global political and economic systems.

This is the long-awaited biography of Malaysia's powerful Home Affairs Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, who passed away of a heart attack on 2 August 1973. It is based on his private papers and on numerous interviews with his relatives and with people who knew him well, including Ghafar Baba, Musa Hitam, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Robert Kuok, Lee Kuan Yew and Ghazalie Shafie. New perspectives are provided about the struggle for independence, Malaysia's relationship with Singapore, the origins of Southeast Asian regionalism, the internal conflicts of the ruling party UMNO, MCA-UMNO ties, the fatal illness of Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, the May 13 riots, and the New Economic Policy. This book contains not only new facts about Malaysian and Singaporean history, but also insights into the processes of decolonization and nation building.

Southeast Asian Affairs, of which there are now thirty-one in the series, is an annual review of significant developments and trends in the region. Though the emphasis is on ASEAN countries, developments in the broader Asia-Pacific region are not ignored. Readable and easily understood analyses are offered of major political, economic, social, and strategic developments within Southeast Asia. The contributions can be divided into two broad categories. There are those which provide an analysis of major developments during 2004 in individual Southeast Asian countries and in the region generally. Then there are the theme articles of a more specialized nature which deal with topical problems of concern. The volume contains twenty-one articles dealing with such major themes as international conflict and cooperation, political stability, and economic growth and development.

Mohandas K. Gandhi, known as Mahatma ("great soul") Gandhi, is a revered figure worldwide for his nonviolent action to free India from British rule. His iconic status endures in the United States, through his influence on Martin Luther King, Jr., and in popular culture, including quotations, a blockbuster film, and interest in Hindu spirituality and practices. Readers will discover how Gandhi came to be a member of the exalted pantheon of men for the ages. They will follow him from his family's home in the provinces to an early arranged marriage, solo sojourn in England to prepare for a law career, and growth from a timid new barrister in South Africa to India's foremost negotiator with the British power structure. He is shown evolving from a loyal British subject to become the champion of Home Rule for India--often inciting illegal actions to get himself and his supporters arrested to further the cause, and risking his life with his famous hunger strikes. The narrative of Gandhi's life and contributions also illuminates Indian society and the caste system from the latter half of the 19th century up to World War II, including British colonial rule, racism in South Africa and India, and Hinduism. Controversial aspects of Gandhi's choices are covered as well. For example, he was largely an absentee husband and father. After siring four children, he took a vow of celibacy, but nevertheless formed attachments to several young, female Western devotees through the years. Ultimately, it was Gandhi's role as a compromiser who believed in Hindus and Muslims in a free, united India that led to his assassination.

Details how Osama bin Laden and other al Qaeda fighters slipped out of Afghanistan during the battles of Tora Bora and Operation Anaconda. The author also charges that Western media outlets, eager to satisfy their audience's thirst for revenge, lost their grasp on journalistic objectivity while covering bin Laden's pursuit. Blinding patriotism and reliance on Pentagon press releases led them to portray events not reflecting reality on the ground. He contends that to satisfy the press and the public's need for vengeance, the Bush administration pushed to achieve early, highly visible successes to the detriment of long-term strategy. Impatience at the top forced a rush into a war aimed primarily at "regime change," which left the U.S. military largely empty-handed.

This compelling photographic history examines the war in its entirety, from its causes and protagonists to the strategies, weapons and battles. Goldstein and Maihafer have collected more than 450 vivid photographs, many never before seen by the general public. Published on the fiftieth anniversary of the Korean conflict, "The Korean War" remembers the experience of the American fighting man in "the forgotten war."

In 1960 millions of Japanese citizens took to the streets for months of protest against the U.S. -- Japan Security Treaty (Anpo) and its forcible ratification by the Kishi government. In the decades that followed, the Anpo era citizens' movements exerted a major influence on the organization and political philosophies of the anti - Vietnam War effort, local residents' environmental movements, alternative lifestyle groups, and consumer movements. Organizing the Spontaneous departs from previous scholarship by focusing on the significance of the Anpo protests on the citizens' drive to transform Japanese society rather than on international diplomacy. It shows that the movement against Anpo comprised diverse, at times conflicting, groups of politically conscious actors attempting to reshape the body politic.

From one of the world's most revered historians, the first major history of contemporary Jerusalem

"Gilbert is a first-rate storyteller." —The Wall Street Journal

"Fascinating and admirably readable . . . unmatched for sheer breadth of acutely observed historical detail." —Christopher Walker, The Times (London)

"Most noteworthy for its richness of letters, journals and anecdotes . . . the major events of this century come alive in eyewitness accounts." —The New York Times Book Review

"Extraordinarily vivid glimpses of Jerusalem life." —Atlanta Journal Constitution

This monograph is the first book-length study of foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia during both the late colonial period and in the contemporary period. It examines the leading Southeast Asian countries receiving foreign investment this century. The arrival of today's Asian investors, from Japan and the four Asian NICs, is described after a brief discussion of the transitionary period of warfare, decolonization and assertion of newly independent states. Special attention is given to the impact of foreign investment on the economic development of the host country.

Zhang Shenfu, a founder of the Chinese Communist party, participated in all the major political events in China for four decades following the Revolution of 1919. Yet Zhang had become a forgotten figure in China and the West--a victim of Mao's determined efforts to place himself at the center of China's revolution--until Vera Schwarcz began to meet with him in his home on Wang Fu Cang Lane in Beijing. Now Schwarcz brings Zhang to life through her poignant account of five years of conversations with him, a narrative that is interwoven with translations of his writings and testimony of his friends. Moving circuitously, Schwarcz reveals fragments of the often contradictory layers of Zhang's character: at once a champion of feminism and an ardent womanizer, a follower of Bertrand Russell who also admired Confucius, and a philosophically inclined political pragmatist. Schwarcz also meditates on the tension between historical events and personal memory, on the public amnesia enforced by governments and the "forgetfulness" of those who find rememberance too painful. Her book is not only a portrait of a remarkable personality but a corrective to received accounts and to the silences that abound in the official annals of the Chinese revolution.

In exploring the antiwar movement, tax and foreign economic policies, environmental and health care questions, and the space program, these essays demonstrate how domestic issues were critically affected by the Vietnam War and provide a fuller understanding of Johnson's vital but flawed legacy to the nation.

The first study of colonial Taiwan in English, this volume brings together seventeen essays by leading scholars to construct a comprehensive cultural history of Taiwan under Japanese rule. Contributors from the United States, Japan, and Taiwan explore a number of topics through a variety of theoretical, comparative, and postcolonial perspectives, painting a complex and nuanced portrait of a pivotal time in the formation of Taiwanese national identity.

Essays are grouped into four categories: rethinking colonialism and modernity; colonial policy and cultural change; visual culture and literary expressions; and from colonial rule to postcolonial independence. Their unique analysis considers all elements of the Taiwanese colonial experience, concentrating on land surveys and the census; transcolonial coordination; the education and recruitment of the cultural elite; the evolution of print culture and national literature; the effects of subjugation, coercion, discrimination, and governmentality; and the root causes of the ethnic violence that dominated the postcolonial era.

The contributors encourage readers to rethink issues concerning history and ethnicity, cultural hegemony and resistance, tradition and modernity, and the romancing of racial identity. Their examination not only provides a singular understanding of Taiwan's colonial past, but also offers insight into Taiwan's relationship with China, Japan, and the United States today. Focusing on a crucial period in which the culture and language of Taiwan, China, and Japan became inextricably linked, "Taiwan Under Japanese Colonial Rule" effectively broadens the critique of colonialism and modernity in East Asia.

Brian Keenan went to Beirut in 1985 for a change of scene from his native Belfast. He became headline news when he was kidnapped by fundamentalist Shi’ite militiamen and held in the suburbs of Beirut for the next four and a half years. For much of that time he was shut off from all news and contact with anyone other than his jailers and, later, his fellow hostages, amongst them John McCarthy.