Ethnic Diasporas and the Canada-United States Security Community focuses on three diasporas and their impact on North American security relations, the Irish and Germans, which were mainly in the US, and the Muslim diaspora, which is based in both countries. The book begins by examining the evolution of North America from a zone of war to a zone of peace (i.e., a security community), starting with the debate over the nature and meaning of the Canada-US border. It then assesses the role of ethnic diasporas in North American security, looking as to whether ethnic interest groups have been gaining influence over the shaping of the US foreign policy. This debate is also valid in Canada, especially given the practice of federal political parties of catering to blocs of ethnic voters. The second section of the book focuses on three case studies. The first examines the impact of the Irish Americans on the quality of security relations between the US and the UK, and therefore between the former and Canada. The second looks at an even larger diaspora, the German Americans, whose political agenda by the start of twentieth century attempted to discourage Anglo-American entente and eventual alliance. The final case concentrates on the debates around the North American Muslim diaspora in the past two decades, a time when policy attention turned toward the greater Middle East, which in many ways constitute the "kin community" of this politically active diaspora. This comparative assessment of the three cases provides contextualization for today's discussion of homegrown terrorism and its implication for bilateral security cooperation in North America.

Highly topical and with an interdisciplinary focus, this book explores the recent political and social developments in EU citizenship. Bringing political scientists, sociologists and law scholars together, this book analyses the implications of identity categorisation regarding gender and generations in the EU and what this means for the realisation of citizens?' rights, particularly of women, young adults and migrant care workers throughout the EU. Established researchers explore the stories of social and civil rights in the EU, covering family mobility and migration issues, the precarious positions of female migrant workers across member states and the EU?s promotion of diverse family rights. Moreover, the book focuses on the prominent issues facing the new generation of young adults: particularly social mobility, civil rights and political parties?' differing views on gender and family issues. With insight into national and regional perspectives on these significant topics, the authors argue that the European Parliament is currently striving for a new consensus to unite member states and dissipate current divisions. An important read for academics and students from across the social sciences, specifically public and social policy, gender studies and European studies, interested in the future direction of the EU surrounding gender and generational division. Contributors include: G.M. Dotti Sani, J. Gal, T. Knijn, A. Krizsan, D. Lepianka, J. Long, M. Luppi, M. Naldini, R. Oomkens, L. Rolandsen Agustin, A. Santero, B. Siim, J. Sipic, D. Sirinic, C. Solera, L.J. van den Braken, M.A. Yerkes

Revelations about U.S. torture and prisoner abuse in blatant violation of the long-established and universally recognized Geneva Conventions have horrified most Americans. Nevertheless, it has been argued that the high stakes of the "War on Terror" have made the protections offered by the Conventions obsolete, or that the abuses are the work of a few rogue soldiers and officers. This book reaches past the headlines into the historical record to document POW torture and also domestic prisoner abuse dating well back in our history as well as government and military knowledge of and collusion in such ostensibly illegal and reprehensible acts. Is torture and prisoner abuse justified in the name of some greater good? As a society we shall have to decide. The historical record presented here can contribute much to an informed national discussion. Series features: BLTimeline anchoring the discussion in time and place BLBibliography of print and Internet resources guiding further exploration of the subject BLCharts and tables analyzing complex data, including survey results

In the first book to investigate in detail the origins of antislavery thought and rhetoric within the Society of Friends, Brycchan Carey shows how the Quakers turned against slavery in the first half of the eighteenth century and became the first organization to take a stand against the slave trade. Through meticulous examination of the earliest writings of the Friends, including journals and letters, Carey reveals the society's gradual transition from expressing doubt about slavery to adamant opposition. He shows that while progression toward this stance was ongoing, it was slow and uneven and that it was vigorous internal debate and discussion that ultimately led to a call for abolition. His book will be a major contribution to the history of the rhetoric of antislavery and the development of antislavery thought as explicated in early Quaker writing.

The history of Latin American journalism is ultimately the story of a people who have been silenced over the centuries, primarily Native Americans, women, peasants, and the urban poor. This book seeks to correct the record propounded by most English-language surveys of Latin American journalism, which tend to neglect pre-Columbian forms of reporting, the ways in which technology has been used as a tool of colonization, and the Latin American conceptual foundations of a free press. Challenging the conventional notion of a free marketplace of ideas in a region plagued with serious problems of poverty, violence, propaganda, political intolerance, poor ethics, journalism education deficiencies, and media concentration in the hands of an elite, Ferreira debunks the myth of a free press in Latin America. The diffusion of colonial presses in the New World resulted in the imposition of a structural censorship with elements that remain to this day. They include ethnic and gender discrimination, technological elitism, state and religious authoritarianism, and ideological controls. Impoverished, afraid of crime and violence, and without access to an effective democracy, ordinary Latin Americans still live silenced by ruling actors that include a dominant and concentrated media. Thus, not only is the press not free in Latin America, but it is also itself an instrument of oppression.

aImpressive, provocative and smart.Immigrant Rights in the Shadows of U.S. Citizenship is breathtaking in its timeliness and its broad scope.a
-- Erika Lee, author of "At America's Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882-1943"

aAn urgent collection of essays by both activists and scholars that puts legislative and judicial histories into dialogue with activists' struggles to bring about social justice for immigrant communities. Its ever-present focus on social justice connects the specificity of individual historical struggles to broader political aspirations.a
--Wendy Kozol, Oberlin College

Punctuated by marches across the United States in the spring of 2006, immigrant rights has re-emerged as a significant and highly visible political issue. Immigrant Rights in the Shadows of U.S. Citizenship brings prominent activists and scholars together to examine the emergence and significance of the contemporary immigrant rights movement. Contributors place the contemporary immigrant rights movement in historical and comparative contexts by looking at the ways immigrants and their allies have staked claims to rights in the past, and by examining movements based in different communities around the United States. Scholars explain the evolution of immigration policy, and analyze current conflicts around issues of immigrant rights; activists engaged in the current movement document the ways in which coalitions have been built among immigrants from different nations, and between immigrant and native- born peoples. The essays examine the ways in which questions of immigrant rights engage broader issues of identity, including gender, race, and sexuality.

In Ethnic Identity and Minority Protection: Designation, Discrimination, and Brutalization, Thomas W. Simon examines a new framework for considering ethnic conflicts. In contrast to the more traditional theories of justice, Simon's theory of injustice shifts focus away from group identity toward group harms, effectively making many problems, such as how to define minorities in international law, dramatically more manageable. Simon argues that instead of promoting legislative devices like proportional representation for minorities, it is more fruitful to seek adjudicative solutions to racial and ethnic-related conflicts. For example, resources could be shifted to quasi-judicial human-rights treaty bodies that have adopted an injustice approach. This injustice approach provides the foundation for Kosovo's case for remedial secession, and helps to sort out the competing entitlement claims of Malays in different countries. Indeed, the priority of Thomas W. Simon's Ethnic Identity and Minority Protection is to ensure the tales of designation and discrimination told at the beginning of the work do not become the stories of brutalization told at the end. In short, the challenge tackled in this text is to assure that reason reigns over hate.

National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), defined by the UN as bodies established to promote and protect human rights, have increased in number since the General Assembly adopted principles governing their effectiveness in 1993. The UN and others have encouraged states to set up such institutions as an indication of their commitment to human rights, and now over 20 such institutions exist in Africa and many more will follow. These institutions have taken various forms including ombudsmen, commissions, or a combination of the two. They differ in terms of how they are established; some by constitution, some by legislation and some by decree. These NHRIs have varying functions, usually both promotional and protective, such as giving advice to government, parliament, and others, making recommendations on compliance with human rights standards, awareness raising, and analysis of law and policy. Despite the considerable variations in the method of their creation, powers and composition, most of these institutions have chosen or indeed been mandated, to become involved in international and regional fora. This book examines these institutions in the African region, the way in which they use the international and regional fora, the effectiveness of their contributions and how they are able to participate.

This timely book sets out how ordinary citizens can reform our broken economy.

Politicians curry favour with interest groups such as trade unions, public service workers, teachers and the unemployed, instead of serving the general public. Trade unions exploit labour laws to get benefits for their members without increasing productivity. Teachers enjoy sheltered employment without producing properly qualified learners. Formal employees abuse the bargaining-council system to push up labour costs imposed on employers and employees outside the system. Notoriously unproductive “public servants” enjoy above-market salaries in a growing sector that creates little to no economic value. Unemployed people, of whom there are 11 million, form the bedrock of our community of 18 million recipients of welfare grants. They produce nothing in return. The glue holding together all these forms of rent-seeking, is centralised government power, undergirded by laws and government spending.

The author highlights that the system of rent-seeking has damaged moral fabric in this country, eating at it like a virus. It does not let go, because it contains the seed of destruction of any argument deployed towards dismantling it. Rent-seeking is embarked upon – invariably almost – in the name of some noble cause or other. And noble causes demand that we be on the right side of them, or risk being tainted as unfair, oppressive, right-wing or simply bad.

Who in their right mind doesn’t want to protect workers against unemployment or exploitation, advance previously disadvantaged black citizens, improve the matric pass rate, help the poor with housing and money, build a strong public service?

A revealing, comprehensive, and detailed account focusing on the people and personalities behind the Montgomery, Alabama, Bus Boycott in 1955–1956, which became the catalyst for a national civil rights movement. The Montgomery Bus Boycott: A History and Reference Guide offers a comprehensive account of a critical turning point in American history. It offers a richly detailed chronological trip through post-World War II Southern society to the early 1960s, then focuses on the day-to-day frustrations, challenges, and victories of the people behind the protest that inspired a nationwide movement. The Montgomery Bus Boycott fills a gap in available resources with its comprehensive portrait of mid-1950s Montgomery—the mainly black, uneducated female protestors, activist Rosa Parks, Dr. King, and the white society desperate to keep intact the only culture they understood. Firsthand news reports, editorials, quotes, eyewitness accounts, and behind-the-scenes stories of political maneuvering help readers experience this dramatic—and still reverberating—victory over oppression.

Winner of the 2013 John Hope Franklin Book Prize presented by the American Studies Association A necessary read that demonstrates the ways in which certain people are devalued without attention to social contexts Social Death tackles one of the core paradoxes of social justice struggles and scholarship-that the battle to end oppression shares the moral grammar that structures exploitation and sanctions state violence. Lisa Marie Cacho forcefully argues that the demands for personhood for those who, in the eyes of society, have little value, depend on capitalist and heteropatriarchal measures of worth. With poignant case studies, Cacho illustrates that our very understanding of personhood is premised upon the unchallenged devaluation of criminalized populations of color. Hence, the reliance of rights-based politics on notions of who is and is not a deserving member of society inadvertently replicates the logic that creates and normalizes states of social and literal death. Her understanding of inalienable rights and personhood provides us the much-needed comparative analytical and ethical tools to understand the racialized and nationalized tensions between racial groups. Driven by a radical, relentless critique, Social Death challenges us to imagine a heretofore "unthinkable" politics and ethics that do not rest on neoliberal arguments about worth, but rather emerge from the insurgent experiences of those negated persons who do not live by the norms that determine the productive, patriotic, law abiding, and family-oriented subject.

CUSTOMERS IN NORTH AMERICA: COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM WWW.SEVENSTORIES.COM Human Rights Watch's twenty-third annual World Report summarizes human rights conditions in more than 90 countries and territories worldwide. An invaluable and respected resource for journalists, diplomats, and citizens, the book includes essays that tackle major human rights themes, and country chapters addressing key human rights abuses and the roles -positive or negative - that significant domestic and international figures played during the year. It reflects extensive investigative work by Human Rights Watch staff, often in close partnership with domestic activists.

This book examines the relationship between migration, diversification and inequality in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The authors advance a view of migration as a diversifying force, arguing that it is necessary to grapple with the intersection of group identities, state policy and economic opportunities as part of the formation of inequalities that have deep historical legacies and substantial future implications. Exploring evidence for inequality amongst migrant populations, the book also addresses the role of multicultural politics and migration policy in entrenching inequalities, and the consequences of migrant inequalities for political participation, youth development and urban life.

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aReparations for the continuing legacy of American racism is the central civil rights issue of the twenty-first century. Henry's bold and insightful Long Overdue provides a detailed examination of the current rationale for compensation to African Americans. Long Overdue skillfully explores the political debate and controversies surrounding reparations, and provides constructive suggestions for what the movement needs in order to achieve its policy objectives.a
--Manning Marable, author of "Let Nobody Turn Us Around"

aHenry offers a simply superb interrogation of the Black reparations movement that is distinguished by its attention to history, social movements theory, and global context. The case studies presented here provide contrasting examples of reparations in distinct time periods and highlight political mobilization on local, national, and international scales. Long Overdue compellingly illustrates how distinct demands for reparations have been historically articulated, how they have converged with Black nationalist thought, and how they have influenced the broader public discourse on race and racism. An essential read for a contentious debate.a
--Michael Omi, co-author of "Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s"

Ever since the unfulfilled promise of aForty Acres and a mule, a America has consistently failed to confront the issue of racial injustice. Exploring why America has failed to compensate Black Americans for the wrongs of slavery, Long Overdue provides a history of the racial reparations movement and shows why it is an idea whose time has come.

Martin Luther King, Jr., remarkedin his aI Have a Dreama speech that America has given Black citizens a abad checka marked ainsufficient funds.a Yet apart from a few Black nationalists, the call for reparations has been peripheral to Black policy demands. Charles P. Henry examines Americansa unwillingness to confront this economic injustice, and crafts a skillful moral, political, economic, and historical argument for African American reparations, focusing on successful political cases.

In the wake of recent successes in South Africa and New Zealand, new models for reparations have recently found traction in a number of American cities and states, from Dallas to Baltimore and Virginia to California. By looking at other dispossessed group -- Native Americans, holocaust survivors, and Japanese internment victims in the 1940s -- Henry shows how some groups have won the fight for reparations.

As Hurricane Katrina made apparent, the legacy of racial segregation and economic disadvantage is never far below the surface in America. Long Overdue provides an up-to-date survey of the political and legislative efforts that are now breaking the surface to move reparations into the heart of our national discussion about race.

This book challenges the rhetoric linking 'war on terror' with 'war on human trafficking' by juxtaposing lived experiences of survivors of trafficking, refugees, and labor migrants with macro-level security concerns. Drawing on research in the United States and in Europe, Gozdziak shows how human trafficking has replaced migration in public narratives, policy responses, and practice with migrants and analyzes lived experiences of (in)security of trafficked victims, irregular migrants, and asylum seekers. .

Dialogues on Migration Policy brings together leading American and European scholars of immigration politics to address migration policy. Editors Marco Giugni and Florence Passy's aim to present a number of informed "dialogues" addressing three main theoretical concerns in this field: the role of the national state in a globalizing world, the determinants of policy change, and the role of collective interests in migration policy. Adopting an unconventional format, the novelty of Dialogues on Migration Policy lies in the fact that it is structured around a series of debates among authors. In each debate, expert contributors working in different theoretical traditions and with divergent views on the subject matter confront each other followed by a commentary from a leading scholar based on her/his reading of these authors' views. These lively debates are certain to engage scholars of migration, political science, and sociology.

The book is a compilation of the best and still-most-relevant articles published in Poverty & Race, the bimonthly of The Poverty & Race Research Action Council from 2006 to the present. Authors are some of the leading figures in a range of activities around these themes. It is the fourth such book PRRAC has published over the years, each with a high-visibility foreword writer: Rep. John Lewis, Rep. Jesse Jackson, Jr. Bill Bradley, Julian Bond in previous books, Rep. Luis Gutierrez of Chicago for this book. The chapters are organized into four sections: Race & Poverty: The Structural Underpinnings; Deconstructing Poverty and Racial Inequities; Re(emerging) Issues; Civil Rights History.