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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Political leaders & leadership
It is the most famous speech Lincoln ever gave, and one of the most
important orations in the history of the nation. Delivered on
November 19, 1863, among the freshly dug graves of the Union dead,
the Gettysburg Address defined the central meaning of the Civil War
and gave cause for the nation's incredible suffering. The poetic
language and moral sentiment inspired listeners at the time, and
have continued to resonate powerfully with groups and individuals
up to the present day. What gives this speech its enduring
significance? This collection of essays, from some of the
best-known scholars in the field, answers that question. Placing
the Address in complete historical and cultural context and
approaching it from a number of fresh perspectives, the volume
first identifies how Lincoln was influenced by great thinkers on
his own path toward literary and oratory genius. Among others,
Nicholas P. Cole draws parallels between the Address and classical
texts of Antiquity and John Stauffer considers Lincoln's knowledge
of the King James Bible and Shakespeare. The second half of the
collection then examines the many ways in which the Gettysburg
Address has been interpreted, perceived, and utilized in the past
150 years. Since 1863, African Americans, immigrants, women, gay
rights activists, and international figures have invoked the
speech's language and righteous sentiments on their respective
paths toward freedom and equality. Essays include Louis P. Masur on
the role the Address played in eventual emancipation; Jean H. Baker
on the speech's importance to the women's rights movement; and Don
H. Doyle on the Address's international legacy. Lincoln spoke at
Gettysburg in a defining moment for America, but as the essays in
this collection attest, his message is universal and timeless. This
work brings together the foremost experts in the field to
illuminate the many ways in which that message continues to endure.
Die eiesoortige vriendskap tussen Winston Churchill en Jan Smuts is ’n studie in kontraste. In hul jeug het hulle uiteenlopende wêrelde bewoon: Churchill was die weerbarstige en energieke jong aristokraat; Smuts die asketiese, filosofiese Kaapse plaasseun, wat later aan Cambridge sou gaan studeer. Daar sou hy die eerste student word wat albei dele van die finale regskursus in dieselfde jaar neem en al twee met onderskeiding slaag.
Nadat hulle in die Anglo-Boereoorlog eers as vyande, en later in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog as bondgenote byeengebring is, het die mans ’n vriendskap gesmee wat oor die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu gestrek het en tot Smuts se dood in 1950 voortgeduur het. Richard Steyn, die skrywer van Jan Smuts: Afrikaner sonder grense, bestudeer dié hegte vriendskap deur twee wêreldoorloë aan die hand van ’n magdom argiefstukke, briewe, telegramme en die omvangryke boeke wat oor albei mans geskryf is.
Dit is ’n fassinerende verhaal oor twee besonderse individue in oorlog en vrede – die een die leier van ’n groot ryk, die ander die leier van ’n klein, weerspannige lid van daardie ryk.
What is Vladimir Putin up to? This book shows how the mentality of
Putin and his team - the code of Putinism - has shaped Russian
politics over the past two decades. It explains not only the
thoughts and ideas that motivate Putin's decisions, but also the
set of emotions and habits that influence how Putin and his close
allies view the world. The code of Putinism has powerfully shaped
the nature of Russia's political system, its economy, and its
foreign policy. Taylor draws on a large number of interviews, the
speeches of Putin and other top officials, and the Russian media to
analyze the mentality of Team Putin. Key features of Russian
politics today - such as authoritarianism, Putin's reliance on a
small group of loyal friends and associates, state domination of
the economy, and an assertive foreign policy - are traced to the
code of Putinism. Key ideas of the code include conservatism,
anti-Americanism, and the importance of a state that is powerful
both at home and abroad. Dominant habits of Putin and his
associates include control, order, and loyalty. Important feelings
driving Russia's rulers include the need for respect, resentment
about lost status and mistreatment by the West, and vulnerability.
While some observers portray Putin as either a cold-blooded
pragmatist or a strident Russian nationalist, Taylor provides a
more nuanced and compelling interpretation of Putin's motives and
actions. The Code of Putinism also shows how Putin's choices,
guided by this mentality, have led to a Russia that is misruled at
home and punching above its weight abroad.
Contemporary observers of politics in America often reduce
democracy to demography. Whatever portion of the vote not explained
by the class, gender, race, and religious differences of voters is
attributed to the candidates' positions on the issues of the day.
But are these the only--or even the main--factors that determine
the vote?
The Performance of Politics develops a new way of looking at
democratic struggles for power, explaining what happened, and why,
during the 2008 presidential campaign in the United States. Drawing
on vivid examples taken from a range of media coverage, participant
observation at a Camp Obama, and interviews with leading political
journalists, Jeffrey Alexander argues that images, emotion, and
performance are the central features of the battle for power. While
these features have been largely overlooked by pundits, they are,
in fact, the primary foci of politicians and their staff. Obama and
McCain painstakingly constructed heroic self-images for their
campaigns and the successful projections of those images suffused
not only each candidate's actual rallies, and not only their media
messages, but also the ground game. Money and organization
facilitate the ground game, but they do not determine it. Emotion,
images, and performance do. Though an untested senator and the
underdog in his own party, Obama succeeded in casting himself as
the hero--and McCain the anti-hero--and the only candidate fit to
lead in challenging times.
Illuminating the drama of Obama's celebrity, the effect of Sarah
Palin on the race, and the impact of the emerging financial crisis,
Alexander's engaging narrative marries the immediacy and excitement
of the final months of this historic presidential campaign with a
new understanding of how politics work.
Watter soort mens was dr. H.F. Verwoerd, die sesde premier van die
Unie van Suid-Afrika en grondlegger van die huidige Republiek? Die
bydraers tot hierdie boek skryf op onderhoudende wyse oor hoe hulle
hom onthou, wat hulle saam met hom beleef het en oor hulle
opvatting van sy politieke oogmerke. Die persoonlike aard van die
bydraes verleen ’n dimensie aan die boek wat in objektiewe
geskiedskrywing ontbreek. Verwoerd tree te voorskyn as vriend,
gesinsman, volksman, raadsman en leier. Hierdie bundel verskyn die
eerste keer in 2001 by geleentheid van die 100ste herdenking van
dr. Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd se geboortedag, 8 September 1901. Die
bygewerkte weergawe in 2016 bevat nuwe bydraes deur onder andere
Elise Verwoerd, Cas Bakkes en Albert Hertzog.
This book examines the role played by the parties themselves in
two-party systems. It rejects the argument that the behavior of the
parties is determined largely by social forces or by the supposed
logic of the electoral market. Instead, it shows that both
structure and agency can matter. It focuses on three major aspects
of change in two-party systems: (i) why occasionally major parties
(such as the British Liberals) collapse; (ii) why collapsed parties
sometimes survive as minor parties, and sometimes do not; and (iii)
what determines why, and how, major parties will ally themselves
with minor parties in order to maximize their chances of winning.
With respect to the first aspect it is argued that major parties
are advantaged by two factors: the resources they have accumulated
already, and their occupying role similar to that called by Thomas
Schelling a "focal arbiter." Consequently, party collapse is rare.
When it has occurred in nation states it is the result of a major
party having to fight opposition on "two separate fronts." The
survival of a collapsed party depends largely on its internal
structure; when a party has linked closely the ambitions of
politicians at different levels of office, party elimination is
more likely. The main arena in which agency is significant--that
is, when leadership is possible, including the politician acting as
heresthetician - is in the re-building of coalitions. This is
necessary for maximizing the chances of a party winning, but, for
various reasons, coalitions between major and minor parties are
usually difficult to construct.
Comparative Politics is a series for scholars and students of
political science that deals with contemporary issues in
comparative government and politics. The General Editor is David M.
Farrell, Jean Monnet Chair in European Politics and Head of School
of Social Sciences, University of Manchester. The series is
published in association with the European Consortium for Political
Research.
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Bob Woodward
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Personality Politics? assesses the role that voters' perceptions
and evaluations of leaders play in democratic elections. The book
presents evidence from an array of countries with diverse
historical and institutional contexts, and employs innovative
methodologies to determine the importance of leaders in democracies
worldwide. Addressing such questions as 'Where do leaders effects
come from?', 'In which institutional contexts are leader effects
more important?' and, 'To which kinds of voters are leaders a more
prominent factor for voting behaviour?', the authors seek to
determine whether the roles leaders play enhances or damages the
electoral process, and what impact this has on the quality of
democracy in electoral democracies today.
From one of America's most respected journalists and modern
historians comes the highly acclaimed, "splendid" (The Washington
Post) biography of Jimmy Carter, the thirty-ninth president of the
United States and Nobel Prize-winning humanitarian. Jonathan Alter
tells the epic story of an enigmatic man of faith and his
improbable journey from barefoot boy to global icon. Alter paints
an intimate and surprising portrait of the only president since
Thomas Jefferson who can fairly be called a Renaissance Man, a
complex figure-ridiculed and later revered-with a piercing
intelligence, prickly intensity, and biting wit beneath the
patented smile. Here is a moral exemplar for our times, a flawed
but underrated president of decency and vision who was committed to
telling the truth to the American people. Growing up in one of the
meanest counties in the Jim Crow South, Carter is the only American
president who essentially lived in three centuries: his early life
on the farm in the 1920s without electricity or running water might
as well have been in the nineteenth; his presidency put him at the
center of major events in the twentieth; and his efforts on
conflict resolution and global health set him on the cutting edge
of the challenges of the twenty-first. "One of the best in a
celebrated genre of presidential biography," (The Washington Post),
His Very Best traces how Carter evolved from a timid, bookish
child-raised mostly by a Black woman farmhand-into an ambitious
naval nuclear engineer writing passionate, never-before-published
love letters from sea to his wife and full partner, Rosalynn; a
peanut farmer and civic leader whose guilt over staying silent
during the civil rights movement and not confronting the white
terrorism around him helped power his quest for racial justice at
home and abroad; an obscure, born-again governor whose brilliant
1976 campaign demolished the racist wing of the Democratic Party
and took him from zero percent to the presidency; a stubborn
outsider who failed politically amid the bad economy of the 1970s
and the seizure of American hostages in Iran but succeeded in
engineering peace between Israel and Egypt, amassing a historic
environmental record, moving the government from tokenism to
diversity, setting a new global standard for human rights and
normalizing relations with China among other unheralded and
far-sighted achievements. After leaving office, Carter eradicated
diseases, built houses for the poor, and taught Sunday school into
his mid-nineties. This "important, fair-minded, highly readable
contribution" (The New York Times Book Review) will change our
understanding of perhaps the most misunderstood president in
American history.
In his #1 New York Times bestseller, former Vice President Dick
Cheney delivers a forty-year portrait of American politics and
shares unyielding reflections on his role as one of the most
steadfast and influential statesmen in the history of our
country.In his enlightening and provocative memoir--a stately
page-turner with flashes of surprising humor, remarkable candor,
and powerful resonance--former Vice President Dick Cheney takes
readers through his experiences as family man, policymaker,
businessman, and politician during years that shaped our collective
history. Eyewitness to events at the highest levels, Dick Cheney
brings to life scenes from past and present: He chronicles his
coming-of-age as a high school athlete in Casper, Wyoming, and
courting homecoming queen Lynn Vincent, his future wife. He
describes driving through the White House gates just hours after
the 1974 resignation of Richard Nixon, to manage the Ford
transition. He portrays his response to the national crisis of
9/11, when he conveyed orders from the White House bunker to shoot
down a hijacked airliner if it would not divert. And he reveals how
his political vision has endured through his extraordinary ascent
to the heights of American public life as: * The youngest White
House Chief of Staff, under President Gerald Ford * Congressman
from Wyoming who worked closely with President Ronald Reagan *
Secretary of defense under George H. W. Bush, overseeing the U.S.
military during Operation Desert Storm and the resolution of the
Cold War * CEO of the international Fortune 500 company Halliburton
* The first U.S. vice president to serve out his term of office in
the twenty-first century. Working with George W. Bush from the
onset of the global war on terror, he was--and remains--an
outspoken proponent of taking every step necessary to defend the
nation.
Nine days that set the course of a nation... Johannesburg, Easter
weekend, 1993. Nelson Mandela has been free for three years and is
in slow-moving power-sharing talks with President FW de Klerk when
a white supremacist shoots Mandela's popular young heir apparent,
Chris Hani, in the hope of igniting an all-out civil war. Will he
succeed in plunging South Africa into chaos, safeguarding apartheid
for perhaps years to come? Or can Mandela and de Klerk overcome
their differences and mutual suspicion and calm their followers,
plotting a way forward? In The Plot to Save South Africa, acclaimed
South African journalist Justice Malala recounts the riveting story
of the next nine days - never before told in full - revealing
rarely seen sides of both Mandela and de Klerk, the fascinating
behind-the-scenes debates within each of their parties over whether
to pursue peace or war, and their increasingly desperate attempts
to restrain their supporters despite mounting popular frustrations.
Flitting between the points of view of over a dozen characters on
all sides of the conflict, Justice Malala offers an illuminating
look at successful leadership in action... and a terrifying
reminder of just how close a country we think of today as a model
for racial reconciliation came to civil war.
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