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At midnight on 30 June 1997, Hong Kong reverted to Chinese
sovereignty after 150 years of British rule. The moment when the
British flag came down was dramatic enough but the ten years
leading up to it were full of surprising incident and change. These
'Letters from Hong Kong', written by an Englishwoman who was
involved in those events from 1987, are both an unusual historical
record and a heartwarming account of women's domestic, intellectual
and political activity. This epilogue brings Hong Kong up to date
ten years after the Handover.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Women and Democracy in Cold War Japan offers a fresh perspective on
gender politics by focusing on the Japanese housewife of the 1950s
as a controversial representation of democracy, leisure, and
domesticity. Examining the shifting personae of the housewife,
especially in the appealing texts of women's magazines, reveals the
diverse possibilities of postwar democracy as they were embedded in
media directed toward Japanese women. Each chapter explores the
contours of a single controversy, including debate over the royal
wedding in 1959, the victory of Japan's first Miss Universe, and
the unruly desires of postwar women. Jan Bardsley also takes a
comparative look at the ways in which the Japanese housewife is
measured against equally stereotyped notions of the modern
housewife in the United States, asking how both function as
narratives of Japan-U.S. relations and gender/class containment
during the early Cold War.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				In May 1970, four days after Kent State, construction workers
chased students through downtown Manhattan, beating scores of
protestors bloody. As hardhats clashed with hippies, it soon became
clear that something larger was happening; Democrats were at war
with themselves. In The Hardhat Riot, David Paul Kuhn tells the
fateful story-how chaotic it was, when it began, when the white
working class first turned against liberalism, when Richard Nixon
seized the breach, and America was forever changed. It was
unthinkable one generation before: FDR's "forgotten man" siding
with the party of Big Business and, ultimately, paving the way for
presidencies from Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump. In the shadow of
the half-built Twin Towers, on the same day the Knicks rallied
against the odds and won their first championship, we relive the
schism that tore liberalism apart. We experience the tumult of
Nixon's America and John Lindsay's New York City, as festering
division explodes into violence. Nixon's advisors realize that this
tragic turn is their chance, that the Democratic coalition has
collapsed and that "these, quite candidly, are our people now." In
this nail-biting story, Kuhn delivers on meticulous research and
reporting, drawing from thousands of pages of never-before-seen
records. We go back to a harrowing day that explains the politics
of today. We experience the battle between two tribes fighting
different wars, soon to become different Americas, ultimately
reliving a liberal war that maimed both sides. We come to see how
it all was laid bare one brutal day, when the Democratic Party's
future was bludgeoned by its past, as if it was a last gasp to say
that we once mattered too.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				In 2012, President Obama announced that the United States would
spend the next thirteen years - through November 11, 2025 -
commemorating the 50th Anniversary of the Vietnam War, and the
American soldiers, "more than 58,000 patriots," who died in
Vietnam. The fact that at least 2.1 million Vietnamese - soldiers,
parents, grandparents, children - also died in that war will be
largely unknown and entirely uncommemorated. And U.S. history
barely stops to record the millions of Vietnamese who lived on
after being displaced, tortured, maimed, raped, or born with birth
defects, the result of devastating chemicals wreaked on the land by
the U.S. military. The reason for this appalling disconnect of
consciousness lies in an unremitting public relations campaign
waged by top American politicians, military leaders, business
people, and scholars who have spent the last sixty years justifying
the U.S. presence in Vietnam. It is a campaign of patriotic conceit
superbly chronicled by John Marciano in The American War in
Vietnam: Crime or Commemoration?A devastating follow-up to
Marciano's 1979 classic Teaching the Vietnam War (written with
William L. Griffen), Marciano's book seeks not to commemorate the
Vietnam War, but to stop the ongoing U.S. war on actual history.
Marciano reveals the grandiose flag-waving that stems from the
"Noble Cause principle," the notion that America is "chosen by God"
to bring democracy to the world. Marciano writes of the Noble Cause
being invoked unsparingly by presidents - from Jimmy Carter, in his
observation that, regarding Vietnam, "the destruction was mutual,"
to Barack Obama, who continues the flow of romantic media
propaganda: "The United States of America ...will remain the
greatest force for freedom the world has ever known."The result is
critical writing and teaching at its best. This book will find a
home in classrooms where teachers seek to do more than repeat the
trite glorifications of U.S. empire. It will provide students
everywhere with insights that can prepare them to change the world.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				
In September 1958, Guinea claimed its independence, rejecting a
constitution that would have relegated it to junior partnership in
the French Community. In all the French empire, Guinea was the only
territory to vote "No." Orchestrating the "No" vote was the Guinean
branch of the Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA), an
alliance of political parties with affiliates in French West and
Equatorial Africa and the United Nations trusts of Togo and
Cameroon. Although Guinea's stance vis-a-vis the 1958 constitution
has been recognized as unique, until now the historical roots of
this phenomenon have not been adequately explained. 
 Clearly written and free of jargon, "Cold War and Decolonization
in Guinea" argues that Guinea's vote for independence was the
culmination of a decade-long struggle between local militants and
political leaders for control of the political agenda. Since 1950,
when RDA representatives in the French parliament severed their
ties to the French Communist Party, conservative elements had
dominated the RDA. In Guinea, local cadres had opposed the break.
Victimized by the administration and sidelined by their own
leaders, they quietly rebuilt the party from the base. Leftist
militants, their voices muted throughout most of the decade, gained
preeminence in 1958, when trade unionists, students, the party's
women's and youth wings, and other grassroots actors pushed the
Guinean RDA to endorse a "No" vote. Thus, Guinea's rejection of the
proposed constitution in favor of immediate independence was not an
isolated aberration. Rather, it was the outcome of years of
political mobilization by activists who, despite Cold War
repression, ultimately pushed the Guinean RDA tothe left. 
 The significance of this highly original book, based on previously
unexamined archival records and oral interviews with grassroots
activists, extends far beyond its primary subject. In illuminating
the Guinean case, Elizabeth Schmidt helps us understand the
dynamics of decolonization and its legacy for postindependence
nation-building in many parts of the developing world. 
 Examining Guinean history from the bottom up, Schmidt considers
local politics within the larger context of the Cold War, making
her book suitable for courses in African history and politics,
diplomatic history, and Cold War history.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Last Call for the African-American Church revisits the commandment
Jesus left his followers to proclaim the gospel worldwide until his
return, one that by all accounts is no longer a priority in the
contemporary African-American church. Despite the presence of
euphoric praise-and-worship celebrations and the proliferation of
diverse ministries it advertises as "cutting edge," the implosion
of missions has occurred in this church's pulpits and pews.
Selected biblical foundations of missions are provided for those
new to the parlance, and for others needing a refresher course.
Along with conventional missions' distinctions, Chester Williams
logs some concepts in the glossary he himself has constructed, for
readers and for collegial review. They include the feminization of
missions, rummage sale missions, missions without Jesus, and window
dressing missions. For the most part, these concepts represent a
radical departure from apostolic missions and are viewed as
biblical tinkering and convolution, most importantly, as
obstructions to the Great Commission-world harvesting.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				The Cold War remains one of the twentieth century's defining
events, possessing broad political, social, and material
implications that continue to have impact. In this book, Todd
Hanson presents nine case studies of archaeological investigations
conducted at famous-and some not so famous-historic American Cold
War sites, including Bikini Atoll, the Nevada Test Site, and the
Cuban sites of the Soviet Missile Crisis. By examining nuclear
weapons test sites, missile silos, submarine bases, fallout
shelters, and more, Hanson illustrates how archaeology can help
strip away myths, secrets, and political rhetoric to better inform
our understanding of the conflict's formative role in the making of
the contemporary American landscape. Addressing modern
ramifications of the Cold War, Hanson also looks at the
preservation of atomic heritage sites, the atomic tourism
phenomenon, and the struggles of atomic veterans.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				This book presents absorbing and critical expert perspectives on
the post-truth phenomenon that has infiltrated the U.S. political
system, media, and populace. Deception in politics is nothing new,
but the quantity of unsubstantiated statements in America today is
unprecedented. False notions, fake news, "alternative facts," and
opinions are being pitched from sources including the White House,
Congress, and the American population via Twitter, Facebook, and
online news sites as well as print, television, and radio. Such a
widespread spectacle instantly captures the attention of people
nationwide, but disagreement has the nation almost bordering on
civil war over the definition of "the truth" and what this book
calls "post-truth." In this text, C.G. Prado and expert
contributors present varied perspectives on post-truth, its
authoritarian implications for the nation, and how we can approach
information to differentiate between truth and post-truth. Speaking
to general readers, students, and scholars alike, chapters include
text on the historical and social events that initiated and
developed post-truth and why some people are more prone than others
to accept and perpetuate post-truth. They also discuss post-truth
as a threat to democracy. Analyzes Trump-administration-generated
mistruths in a discussion of post-truth America Presents varied
concerns, perspectives, and thought-provoking topics in clear,
accessible, and engaging words Explains the historical and social
circumstances that led to post-truth Details why some people are
more apt to embrace and spread post-truth Outlines actions to
defeat post-truth
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Growing up in Birmingham, Alabama, a city that he loved, Jonathan
Foster was forced to come to grips with its reputation for racial
violence. In so doing, he began to question how other cities dealt
with similar kinds of stigmas that resulted from behavior and
events that fell outside accepted norms. He wanted to know how such
stigmas changed over time and how they affected a city's reputation
and residents. Those questions led to this examination of the role
of stigma and history in three very different cities: Birmingham,
San Francisco, and Las Vegas. In the era of civil rights,
Birmingham became known as ""Bombingham,"" a place of constant
reactionary and racist violence. Las Vegas emerged as the nation's
most recognizable Sin City, and San Francisco's tolerance of
homosexuality made it the perceived capital of Gay America. Stigma
Cites shows how cultural and political trends influenced
perceptions of disrepute in these cities, and how, in turn, their
status as sites of vice and violence influenced development
decisions, from Birmingham's efforts to shed its reputation as
racist, to San Francisco's transformation of its stigma into a
point of pride, to Las Vegas's use of gambling to promote tourism
and economic growth. The first work to investigate the important
effects of stigmatized identities on urban places, Foster's
innovative study suggests that reputation, no less than physical
and economic forces, explains how cities develop and why. An
absorbing work of history and urban sociology, the book illuminates
the significance of perceptions in shaping metropolitan history.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Corn Crusade: Khrushchev's Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin
Soviet Union is the first history of Nikita Khrushchev's venture to
cover the Soviet Union in corn, a crop common globally but hitherto
rare in his country. Lasting from 1953 until 1964, this crusade was
an emblematic component of his efforts to resolve agrarian crises
inherited from Joseph Stalin. Using policies and propaganda to
pressure farms to expand corn plantings tenfold, Khrushchev
expected the resulting bounty to feed not people, but the livestock
necessary to produce the meat and dairy products required to make
good on his frequent pledges that the Soviet Union was soon to
"catch up to and surpass America." This promised to enrich
citizens' hitherto monotonous diets and score a victory in the Cold
War, which was partly recast as a "peaceful competition" between
communism and capitalism. Khrushchev's former comrades derided corn
as one of his "harebrained schemes" when ousting him in October
1964. Echoing them, scholars have ridiculed it as an "irrational
obsession," blaming the failure on climatic conditions. Corn
Crusade brings a more complex and revealing history to light.
Borrowing technologies from the United States, Khrushchev expected
farms in the Soviet Union to increase productivity because he
believed that innovations developed under capitalism promised
greater returns under socialism. These technologies generated
results in many economic, social, and climatic contexts after World
War II but fell short in the Soviet Union. Attempting to make
agriculture more productive and ameliorate exploitative labor
practices established in the 1930s, Khrushchev achieved only
partial reform of rural economic life. Enjoying authority over
formal policy, Khrushchev stood atop an undisciplined hierarchy of
bureaucracies, local authorities, and farmworkers. Weighing
competing incentives, they flouted his authority by doing enough to
avoid penalties, but too little to produce even modest harvests of
corn, let alone the bumper crops the leader envisioned.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Composer and cultural official Nicolas Nabokov (1903-78) led an
unusual life even for a composer who was also a high-level
diplomat. Nabokov was for nearly three decades an outstanding and
far-sighted player in international cultural exchanges during the
Cold War, much admired by some of the most distinguished minds of
his century for the range of his interests and the breadth of his
vision. Nicolas Nabokov: A Life in Freedom and Music follows
Nabokov's life through its fascinating details: a privileged
Russian childhood before the Revolution; exile, first to Germany,
then to France; the beginnings of a promising musical career,
launched under the aegis of Diaghilev and his Ballets Russes with
Ode in 1928; his twelve-year "American exile" during which he
occupied several academic positions; his return to Europe after the
war to participate in the denazification of Germany; his
involvement in anti-Stalinist causes in the first years of the Cold
War; his participation in the Congress for Cultural Freedom; his
role as cultural adviser to the Mayor of Berlin and director of the
Berlin Festival in the early 1960s; the resumption of his American
academic and musical career in the late 1960s and 1970s. Nabokov is
unique not only in that he was involved on a high level in
international cultural politics, but also in that his life
intersected at all times with a vast array of people within, and
also well beyond, the confines of classical music. Drawing on a
vast array of primary sources, Vincent Giroud's first-ever
biography of Nabokov will be of interest readers interested in
twentieth-century music, Russian music, Russian emigration, and the
Cold War, particularly in its cultural aspects. Musicians and
musicologists interested in Nabokov as a composer, or in twentieth
century Russian composers in general, will find in the book
information not available anywhere else.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				In today's world, we can point to many international disputes and
interstate conflicts fueled by past events. Historical resentments
or memories of past suffering or fame are often used to justify
political, economic and even territorial demands. Inter-state
disputes and historical conflicts should be understood as evidence
of political and social tensions related to active, serious
differences in the assessment of the common past. The book explains
the role of such conflicts in international relations and suggests
ways of classifying them. It presents examples of the
internationally relevant instrumentalisation of history from
different regions of the world and outlines ways of overcoming
them.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				In the face of an outpouring of research on Holocaust history,
Holocaust Angst takes an innovative approach. It explores how
Germans perceived and reacted to how Americans publicly
commemorated the Holocaust. It argues that a network of mostly
conservative West German officials and their associates in private
organizations and foundations, with Chancellor Kohl located at its
center, perceived themselves as the "victims" of the afterlife of
the Holocaust in America. They were concerned that public
manifestations of Holocaust memory, such as museums, monuments, and
movies, could severely damage the Federal Republic's reputation and
even cause Americans to question the Federal Republic's status as
an ally. From their perspective, American Holocaust memorial
culture constituted a stumbling block for (West) German-American
relations since the late 1970s. Providing the first comprehensive,
archival study of German efforts to cope with the Nazi past
vis-a-vis the United States up to the 1990s, this book uncovers the
fears of German officials - some of whom were former Nazis or World
War II veterans - about the impact of Holocaust memory on the
reputation of the Federal Republic and reveals their at times
negative perceptions of American Jews. Focusing on a variety of
fields of interaction, ranging from the diplomatic to the scholarly
and public spheres, the book unearths the complicated and often
contradictory process of managing the legacies of genocide on an
international stage. West German decision makers realized that
American Holocaust memory was not an "anti-German plot" by American
Jews and acknowledged that they could not significantly change
American Holocaust discourse. In the end, German confrontation with
American Holocaust memory contributed to a more open engagement on
the part of the West German government with this memory and
eventually rendered it a "positive resource" for German
self-representation abroad. Holocaust Angst offers new perspectives
on postwar Germany's place in the world system as well as the
Holocaust culture in the United States and the role of
transnational organizations.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Evolution and Power: China's Struggle, Survival, and Success,
edited by Xiaobing Li and Xiansheng Tian, brings together scholars
from multiple disciplines to provide a comprehensive look at China
s rapid socio-economic transformation and the dramatic changes in
its political institution and culture. Investigating subjects such
as party history, leadership style, personality, political
movements, civil-military relations, intersection of politics and
law, and democratization, this volume situates current legitimacy
and constitutional debates in the context of both the country s
ideology, traditions, and the wider global community. The
contributors to this volume clarify key Chinese conceptual
frameworks to explain previous subjects that have been confusing or
neglected, offering case studies and policy analyses connected with
power struggles and political crises in China. A general pattern is
introduced and developed to illuminate contemporary problems with
government accountability, public opposition, and political
transparency. Evolution and Power provides essential scholarship on
China s political development and growth.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Exam Board: AQA Level: AS/A-level Subject: History First Teaching:
September 2015 First Exam: June 2016 Target success in AQA
AS/A-level History with this proven formula for effective,
structured revision; key content coverage is combined with exam
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Consolidates knowledge with clear and focused content coverage,
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by closely combining historical content with related activities -
Helps students build, practise and enhance their exam skills as
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Improves exam technique through exam-style questions with sample
answers and commentary from expert authors and teachers - Boosts
historical knowledge with a useful glossary and timeline
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
								
	
	
	
		
			
				
			
	
 
			
			
				Revolutionary feminism is resurging across the world. But what were
its origins? In the early 1970s, the International Feminist
Collective began to organise around the call for recognition of the
different forms of labour performed by women. They paved the way
for the influential and controversial feminist campaign 'Wages for
Housework' which made great strides towards driving debates in
social reproduction and the gendered aspects of labour. Drawing on
extensive archival research, Louise Toupin looks at the history of
this movement between 1972 and 1977, featuring unpublished
conversations with some of its founders including Silvia Federici
and Mariarosa Dalla Costa, as well as activists from Italy,
Germany, Switzerland, the United States and Canada. Encompassing
rich theoretical traditions, including autonomism, anti-colonialism
and feminism, whilst challenging both classical Marxism and the
mainstream women's movement, the book highlights the power and
originality of the campaign. Among their many innovations, these
pathbreaking activists approached gender, sexuality, race and class
together in a way that anticipated intersectionality and had a
radical new understanding of sex work.
			
		  
	 
	
 
							
							
							
						
					
					
					
					
				 
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