This updated 2017 edition covers the latest events in Syria, Turkey and Iraq. The approximately 30 million or more Kurds famously constitute the largest nation in the world without its own independent state. The desire of many Kurds for independence, or at least cultural and even political autonomy, has led to an almost continuous series of Kurdish revolts. The resulting situation constitutes the Kurdish problem or question. Calling on more than 30 years of studying the Kurdish issue, numerous trips to the region, and many contacts among the Kurds, including almost all of their main leaders, Michael Gunter has written a short, but thorough history of the Kurds that is well documented, but still proves very readable. His narrative also includes numerous interesting personal experiences that will further explain these people who are for the most part moderate Muslims in favour of gender equality and are also wildly pro-American.

The Ambivalence of Good examines the genesis and evolution of international human rights politics since the 1940s. Focusing on key developments such as the shaping of the UN human rights system, decolonization, the rise of Amnesty International, the campaigns against the Pinochet dictatorship, the moral politics of Western governments, or dissidence in Eastern Europe, the book traces how human rights profoundly, if subtly, transformed global affairs. Moving beyond monocausal explanations and narratives prioritizing one particular decade, such as the 1940s or the 1970s, The Ambivalence of Good argues that we need a complex and nuanced interpretation if we want to understand the truly global reach of human rights, and account for the hopes, conflicts, and interventions to which this idea gave rise. Thus, it portrays the story of human rights as polycentric, demonstrating how actors in various locales imbued them with widely different meanings, arguing that the political field evolved in a fitful and discontinuous process. This process was shaped by consequential shifts that emerged from the search for a new world order during the Second World War, decolonization, the desire to introduce a new political morality into world affairs during the 1970s, and the visions of a peaceful international order after the end of the Cold War. Finally, the book stresses that the projects pursued in the name of human rights nonetheless proved highly ambivalent. Self-interest was as strong a driving force as was the desire to help people in need, and while international campaigns often improved the fate of the persecuted, they were equally likely to have counterproductive effects. The Ambivalence of Good provides the first research-based synopsis of the topic and one of the first synthetic studies of a transnational political field (such as population, health, or the environment) during the twentieth century. Based on archival research in six countries, it breaks new empirical ground concerning the history of human rights in the United Nations, of human rights NGOs, of far-flung mobilizations, and of the uses of human rights in state foreign policy.

This volume highlights the complex intra-alliance politics of what was seen as the likeliest flash point of conflict in the Cold War and demonstrates how strongly determinant were concerns about relationships with allies in the choices made by all the major governments. It recounts the evolution of policy during the 1958 and 1961 Berlin crises from the perspective of each government central to the crisis, one on the margins, and the military headquarters responsible for crafting an agreed Western military campaign.

In an analysis of Britain's policy towards Palestine in the post-mandatory era, the author examines the circumstances which led to the formulation of Britain's policy - the partition of mandatory Palestine between Israel and Jordan - and the stages of its implementation. The major theme that emerges is that Britain's Middle East policy was a function of two main features: Britain's close alliance with Transjordan, and its pragmatic adaptability to developments in the area. Based on primary sources made available only recently in British, Israeli and American archives, the book offers new insights into a policy which was to have far-reaching effects.

From the 1960s, conflict emerged in the medical profession regarding the role of private doctors in prescribing opiates and other drugs to patients. Were they simply licensed drug dealers or instead providing a treatment neglected by the public sector? "The Politics of Addiction" provides a balanced explanation of this conflict, its origins and outcomes.

Telling a new story of modern Egypt, Mohammad Salama uses textual and cinematic sources to construct a clear and accessible narrative of the dynamics of Islam and culture in the first half of the twentieth century. The conflict between tradition and secular values in modern Egypt is shown in a stimulating and challenging new light as Salama bridges analysis of nationalism and its connection to Islamism, and outlines the effects of secular education versus traditional Islamic teaching on varied elements of Egyptian society. These include cultural production, politics, economic, identity, and gender relations. All of this helps to discern the harbingers that led to Egypt's social transition from the monarchy to the republic and opens the possibility of Islam as an inspiring and inspirational force. This illuminating, provocative and informative study will be of use to anyone interested in the period, whether general readers, students, or researchers.

In Killing Hope, William Blum, author of the bestselling Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower, provides a devastating and comprehensive account of America's covert and overt military actions in the world, all the way from China in the 1940s to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and - in this updated edition - beyond. Is the United States, as it likes to claim, a global force for democracy? Killing Hope shows the answer to this question to be a resounding 'no'.

"Medical dialogues are rarely solely about medical matters but serve as a proxy for feelings about the self and the way that an individual relates to others. Indeed, the inclusion of transcripts of interviews and discussions is of particular value...a brave book that challenges popular assumptions about Gulf War syndrome; her analysis of the long-term effects of military service will serve as an important record not only for those with an interest in the armed forces, but also for researchers in the field of illness perception." . The British Journal of Psychiatry

"This is an important anthropological study, which I believe is set to become a classic. The theoretical perspectives are clearly presented and applied to compelling ethnographic material. The publication of this manuscript will make it accessible to both undergraduate and graduate students of anthropology, as well as students of political science, sociology and military studies." . Vieda Skultans

From September 1990 to June 1991, the UK deployed 53,462 military personnel in the Gulf War. After the end of the conflict anecdotal reports of various disorders affecting troops who fought in the Gulf began to surface. This mysterious illness was given the name "Gulf War Syndrome" (GWS). This book is an investigation into this recently emergent illness, particularly relevant given ongoing UK deployments to Iraq, describing how the illness became a potent symbol for a plethora of issues, anxieties, and concerns. At present, the debate about GWS is polarized along two lines: there are those who think it is a unique, organic condition caused by Gulf War toxins and those who argue that it is probably a psychological condition that can be seen as part of a larger group of illnesses. Using the methods and perspective of anthropology, with its focus on nuances and subtleties, the author provides a new approach to understanding GWS, one that makes sense of the cultural circumstances, specific and general, which gave rise to the illness.

Susie Kilshaw is a social anthropologist at University College London where she pursues her research interests in new illnesses, health scares and anxieties, military health, and trans-cultural psychiatry. She previously worked for the NHS as a clinically applied medical anthropologist on issues surrounding ethnic minorities and mental health. Since 2004 she has been Assistant Editor of Anthropology and Medicine."

The behavior of many Poles towards the Jewish population during the Nazi occupation of Poland has always been a controversial issue. Although the Poles are supposed not to have collaborated with the invaders, there is evidence to show that in respect of the Jewish population, the behavior of many Poles, including members of the underground, was far from exemplary. Poland is also the only European country where Jews were being murdered after the end of the war and where strong anti-Semitic tendencies are still present. This book analyzes this question in an historical context and attempts to offer an explanation for the phenomenon of Polish anti-Semitism during and after the end of the war. The work is based on recently uncovered documents as well as on personal accounts of witnesses to the events during the war.

"This is an excellent collection. In its thematic breadth and its broad geographical coverage it is quite distinctive." . Mark Roseman, Indiana University, Bloomington

In 1945, Europeans confronted a legacy of mass destruction and death: millions of families had lost their homes and livelihoods; millions of men in uniform had lost their lives; and millions more had been displaced by the war's destruction, and the genocidal policies of the Nazi regime. From a range of methodological historical perspectives-military, cultural, and social, to film and gender and sexuality studies-this volume explores how Europeans came to terms with these multiple pasts. With a focus on distinctive national experiences in both Eastern and Western Europe, it illuminates how postwar stabilization coexisted with persistent insecurities, injuries, and trauma.

Frank Biess is Associate Professor of History at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author of Homecomings: Returning POWs and the Legacies of Defeat in Postwar Germany (Princeton UP, 2006), and he is currently working on a history of fear and anxiety in postwar Germany.

Robert G. Moeller is Professor of modern European and German history at the University of California, Irvine. He has published widely on the social, cultural, and political history of Germany in the twentieth century.

This is an analysis, based on newly available evidence, of the Suez crisis of 1956, its origins, and its consequences. The contributors are all leading authorities, and some were active participants in the events of 1956, offering personal reflection as well as an assessment of the decisions that were made. The opening chapters trace the origins of the crisis from the British occupation of Egypt, the failure to resolve the problem of Palestine, and the Baghdad Pact of 1955 which divided the Middle East into two opposing camps. Part Two deals with the crisis itself, before and during the invasion of Egypt by British, French, and Israeli troops in November 1956. What type of regime did the British hope to install in place of Nasser's? Why did the invasion come to an abrupt and humiliating halt? Why did the American government insist on the withdrawal of these troops? These questions are among the issues discussed in the third part of the book, which also deals with the impact of the crisis on French and British decolonization, the 'special relationship' between Britain and the United States, de Gaulle's reaction to the 'Anglo-Saxons', and the legacy of Nasser's influence in the Middle East today. Of the contributors who were personally involved at the time of the crisis, Amin Hewedy was on the Egyptian General Staff; Mordechai Bar-On was Ben-Gurion's aide-de-camp; Robert Bowie was United States Assistant Secretary of State; and Adam Watson was head of the African Department of the British Foreign Office. A conclusion by Albert Hourani offers systematic answers to questions raised throughout the book. CONTRIBUTORS: Mordechai Bar-On, Hebrew University, Jerusalem Lord Beloff, All Souls College, Oxford Robert R. Bowie, Harvard University John C. Campbell, former Deputy Director of Eastern European Affairs, and on the Policy Planning Staff of the US State Department Ali E. Hillal Dessouki, Cairo University Howard Dooley, Western Michigan University Hermann Eilts, Boston University Michael Fry, University of Southern California Sarvepalli Gopal, Jawahrlal Nehru University, New Delhi Amin Hewedy, Cairo University, was Political Counsellor to President Nasser Albert Hourani, St Antony's College, Oxford J. C. Hurewitz, Colombia University Rashid I. Kalidi, University of Chicago Diane B. Kunz, Yale University Keith Kyle, Royal Institute of International Affairs, London Wm. Roger Louis, University of Texas Peter Lyon, University of London J. D. B. Miller, Australian National University Roger Owen, St Antony's College, Oxford Shimon Shamir, Tel Aviv University Maurice Vaisse, University of Rheims Adam Watson, University of Virginia

This volume is a compilation of the U.S. federal special prosecutor/independent counsel investigations spanning the complete twenty-one year tenure from 1978-1999 of the independent counsel statute. The entries include individuals who have served as investigators; those who have been targets of investigations; all attorney generals who have called for appointment of special prosecutors; all presidents during whose terms of office such prosecutors served; and all legal cases that served to argue for or against the constitutionality of the independent counsel statute. These historical precedents are traced from Ulysses Grant's appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate the St. Louis Whiskey Scandal in 1875. More contemporary cases include Watergate, precipitated by Richard Nixon's Saturday Night Massacre dismissal of Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox in 1973; Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh's Iran-Contra Investigation; and Special Prosecutor Ken Starr's Whitewater investigation of the Clintons and the ensuing permutations which brought individuals like Linda Tripp and Monica Lewinsky to prominence and also brought the statute calling for such investigations into constitutional debate.

The book is fully cross-referenced and contains a comprehensive bibliography and index. It will be of interest to scholars and students of American History and Constitutional History.

The focus of this historical dictionary is the deepening US military and political involvement in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia during the decades from 1945 to 1975. . . . The style is clear and readable, and articles are accompanied by helpful references to books for further reading. . . . Selective rather than comprehensive, this work will be especially useful for students and general readers and is recommended for academic and public library reference collections. "Choice"

This historical Dictionary of the Vietnam War is designed to provide a ready reference tool for students and scholars alike. Its major focus is the thirty years between 1945 and 1975; critically important individuals and events from earlier years are also discussed. The first volume to deal with this historically significant and controversial war, it includes brief descriptive essays on most of the people, legislation, military operations, and controversies important to an understanding of the American participation in the Vietnam War. References at the end of each entry provide guidance to sources of additional information. Five appendixes complete this carefully constructed study, each focusing on a topic of major relevance in understanding the subject, such as a description of the population of South Vietnam, the minority groups of South Vietnam, a glossary of slang expressions and acronyms, a selected bibliography of the Vietnam War, and a chronology.

This groundbreaking collection of essays challenges the notion that early postwar Britain was characterised by a consensus between the major political parties arising out of the experiences of the wartime coalition government. The volume collects for the first time the views of the revisionist historians who argue that fundamental differences between and within the parties continued to characterise British politics after 1945. Covering topics as diverse as industrial relations and decolonisation, the volume provides a welcome contrast to orthodox interpretations of contemporary Britain.

No President in living memory has entered office with a greater amount of goodwill and broad, bi-partisan support than Barack Obama. And few Presidents in living memory had arrived in Washington proclaiming such dramatically articulated vows to change the tone of politics, to usher in an era of post-partisanship in an effort to rally the nation behind his plan of enacting an ambitious program of social and economic change. He vowed to enact a broad bi-partisan agenda for health care reform, energy transformation, economic revitalization, job growth and restoration of America's standing in the world.
And no President in living memory has more quickly and more completely abandoned his promises.
He enacted a health care plan that far more resembled plans he had bitterly criticized his opponents for supporting rather than the one his campaign outlined
His promised job growth through economic stimulus measures drove up the unemployment rate to double digits leading to millions of job losses
His vows to restore fiscal probity resulted in the most ruinous deficits and public debt in U.S. history
He 'green energy' program collapsed into a cesspool of crony political favoritism
His vows to restore relations with hostile nations like Iran and North Korea had only deepened those nations' disdain for America
Despite his harsh criticisms, Obama adopted nearly every plank in the Bush-era anti-terror policy
His promise to restore science to its rightful place resulted in the most rigidly inflexible program of ideological extremism in modern memory
Even more noteworthy was the fact that the new era of post-partisanship he had vowed to create in Washington resulted in the worst political gridlock in living memory. This book examines in detail hundreds of campaign promises Obama made while running for President, contrasting those with the record of failure and broken promises left in his wake. It is a story that has received too little attention - until now.

The fall of the Soviet Union was one of the most dramatic events of this century. It was also one of the most surprising. Perhaps because many Sovietologists neglected its status as an empire, most Americans were taken completely by surprise when the USSR began its precipitous collapse under Mikhail Gorbachev. This book subjects the Soviet Union as an empire to systematic scrutiny, using tools and methods at the disposal of modern political science. Foreign policy specialists, defense experts, and Russian area analysts will find this book essential. The book is also recommended for undergraduate and graduate courses in Russian and Soviet history and the study of empires.

This book subjects the Soviet Union as an empire to systematic scrutiny, using tools and methods at the disposal of modern political science. Foreign policy specialists, defense experts, and Russian area analysts will find this book essential. The book is also recommended for undergraduate and graduate courses in Russian and Soviet history and the study of empires.

"These lively essays make for the rare collection that is greater than the sum of its parts. Bookended by a substantive Foreword and Afterword, they upend the standard 'diagnosis of nostalgia' found across the former Soviet bloc, refuting the popular conception that Eastern Europeans are somehow haunted by the past, and illustrating the repertoire of contemporary post-socialist cultural politics at its most sophisticated." . Bruce Grant, New York University

Although the end of the Cold War was greeted with great enthusiasm by people in the East and the West, the ensuing social and especially economic changes did not always result in the hoped-for improvements in people's lives. This led to widespread disillusionment that can be observed today all across Eastern Europe. Not simply a longing for security, stability, and prosperity, this nostalgia is also a sense of loss regarding a specific form of sociability. Even some of those who opposed communism express a desire to invest their new lives with renewed meaning and dignity. Among the younger generation, it surfaces as a tentative yet growing curiosity about the recent past. In this volume scholars from multiple disciplines explore the various fascinating aspects of this nostalgic turn by analyzing the impact of generational clusters, the rural-urban divide, gender differences, and political orientation. They argue persuasively that this nostalgia should not be seen as a wish to restore the past, as it has otherwise been understood, but instead it should be recognized as part of a more complex healing process and an attempt to come to terms both with the communist era as well as the new inequalities of the post-communist era.

Maria Todorova is Professor of History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Her publications include Bones of Contention: The Living Archive of Vasil Levski and the Making of Bulgaria's National Hero (2006), Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory (2004), Imagining the Balkans (1997), Balkan Family Structure and the European Pattern: Demographic Developments in Ottoman Bulgaria (1993).

Zsuzsa Gille is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is the author of From the Cult of Waste to the Trash Heap of History: The Politics of Waste in Socialist and Post-Socialist Hungary (2007), and co-author of Global Ethnography: Forces, Connections and Imaginations in a Postmodern World (2000)."

The political and social activism of immigrants to Europe since 1945 takes the spotlight in this volume. Each of the twelve chapters draws on fresh research from international scholars who cover such conflict-ridden themes as autonomous migrant organizing and transnational activism. From Afro-Asian student protests and the sans-papiers movement to the labor unions, political parties, and feminist groups, the chapters offer a riveting look at a variety of migrant experiences in Europe. They also provide compelling material for a welcome comparison of the impact of migration on European countries as diverse as Germany, France, Belgium, Sweden, Spain, and Italy.

Illegal Jewish immigration to Palestine prior to the founding of the State of Israel forms one of the most fascinating chapters in the history of Zionism and modern Jewish history. Bringing Jews from Europe to Palestine by land and by sea in defiance of restrictive British immigration policies was partly an undertaking of national rescue and partly a calculated strategy of political brinksmanship. In this compelling analysis, Ofer examines various illegal immigration and rescue efforts organized by the Palestinian Jewish community in both the beginning and latter phases of the war. Making exhaustive use of archival sources, Ofer provides invaluable insight into the struggles of the immigrants, the activists and supporters of the movement, the logistical obstacles, and the political forces working to halt or exploit the flow of refugees.

Colonial policing and the imperial endgame is the first comprehensive study of the colonial police and their complex role within Britain's long and turbulent process of decolonisation, a time characterised by political upheaval and colonial conflict. The Colonial Police Service was created in 1936 in order to standardise all imperial police forces and mould colonial policing to the British model. From the British Caribbean to the Middle East, the Mediterranean to British Colonial Africa and on to Southeast Asia, colonial police forces struggled with the unrest and conflict that stemmed from Britain's withdrawal from its empire. As the shadow of decolonisation grew ever longer, so colonial police forces reverted back to their traditional role as a colony's first line of defence. At the same time, as tensions increased throughout the empire, so too did the power of the police through the development of police intelligence systems and counter-insurgency units. Colonial policing and the imperial endgame controversially asserts that it was coercion rather than consent which was more commonly associated with the work of police forces during this period of political dislocation. Georgina Sinclair's focussed study of colonial policing during this period facilitates a greater understanding of the processes of decolonisation. -- .

To most historians, the first televised presdential debate between the haggard, unshaven Richard Nixon and the clean-cut, handsome John F. Kennedy provides the first example of television, then a new medium, demonstrating its unique power in American politics for the first time and for heralding a shift toward the primacy of the visual in presidential campaigns more generally. Yet, this popular narrative of JFK as the first media-savvy president overlooks the deft, innovative advertising techiniques and canny use of TV airtime adopted by his predecessor, Dwight D. Eisenhower. Liking Ike examines the prominent role that celebrities and advertising agencies played in Dwight Eisenhower's presidency. Guided by Madison Avenue executives and television pioneers, Eisenhower cultivated famous supporters as a way of building the broad-based support that had eluded Republicans for twenty years. It is customary to see the charismatic John F. Kennedy and his Rat Pack entourage as the beginning of presidential glamour in the United States, but from Walt Disney and Irving Berlin to Jimmy Stewart and Helen Hayes, celebrities regularly appeared in Eisenhower's campaigns. Ike's political career was so saturated with celebrity that opponents from the right and left accused him of being a "glamour " candidate. In a series of absorbing chapters covering the major candidates of the era-Eisenhower, Adlai Stevenson, Kennedy, Reagan-David Haven Blake foregrounds the behind-the-scenes operators who worked with the Madison Avenue executives who strategically brought celebrities into the political process. Based on extensive research, the book explores the changing dynamics of celebrity politics as Americans adjusted to the television age. By the mid-1920s, entertainers were routinely drawing publicity to their favorite candidates. But with the rise of television and mass advertising, political advisers began to professionalize the attention celebrities could bring to presidential campaigns. In meetings, memos, and television scripts, they charted a strategy for "leavening " political programming with celebrity interviews, musical performances, and elaborate "television spectaculars " that would surround their candidates with beautiful sets and popular personalities. Commentators worried about the seemingly superficial values that television had introduced to political campaigns, and writers, filmmakers, and fellow politicians criticized the influence of glamour and publicity. But despite these complaints, Eisenhower's legacy would live on in the subsequent careers of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan-and ultimately, provide the template for the presidential campaigns of Barack Obama, John McCain, and Hillary Clinton.

During Hitler's reign, the Nazis deliberately developed and exploited a youthful image and used youth to define their political and social hierarchies. After the war, with Hitler gone but still requiring cultural exorcism, many intellectuals, authors, and filmmakers turned to these images of youth to navigate and negotiate the most difficult questions of Germany's recent, nefarious past. Focusing on youth, education, and crime allowed postwar Germans to claim one last realm of sovereignty against the Allies' own emphatic project of reeducation. Youth, reeducation, and reconstruction became important sites for the occupied to confront not only the recent past, but to negotiate the present occupation and, ultimately, direct the future of the German nation."Disciplining Germany" analyzes a variety of media, including literature, news media, intellectual history, and films, in order to argue that youth and education played a central role in Germany's coming to terms with the Nazi past. Although there has been a recently renewed interest in Germany's coming to terms with the past, this attention has largely ignored the role of youth and reeducation. This lacuna is particularly perplexing given that the Allies' reeducation project became, in many ways, a cipher for the occupational project as a whole."Disciplining Germany" opens up the discussion and points toward more general conclusions not only about youth and education as sites for wider socio-political and cultural debates but also about the complexities of occupation and the intertwining of different national cultures. In this investigation, the study attends to both 'high' and 'low' cultural text - to specialized versus popular texts - to examine how youth was mobilized across the generic spectrum.With these interdisciplinary approaches and timely interventions, "Disciplining Germany" will find a diverse readership, including upper-division and graduate courses in German studies and German history as well as those general readers interested in Nazi Germany, cultural history, film and literary studies, youth culture, American studies, and post-conflict and occupational situations.

The demise of Yugoslavia resulted in a savage internal conflict that confounded European efforts to prevent it. Intense and often instantaneous media coverage tended to produce a confusing maze of images and impressions. This timely, easy to use reference work surveys the origins, development, people, places, events, concepts, treaties, and agreements pertaining to the conflict in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Includes A-Z entries spanning topics from Albania and Ethnic Cleansing to Genocide and the International Monetary Fund Also includes an introduction, illustrations, maps, chronology, bibliography, and extensive cross-references

In Reframing the Diplomat Albertine Bloemendal offers a unique window onto the unofficial dimension of Cold War transatlantic relations by analyzing the diplomatic role of the Dutch Atlanticist Ernst van der Beugel as a government official and as a private diplomat. After a career with the Dutch government at the frontlines of the Marshall Plan, European integration and transatlantic relations, Van der Beugel pursued a more freestyle approach to diplomacy as a private citizen, most notably through his role as Secretary-General of the illustrious Bilderberg Meetings and his ties to the European and American foreign policy establishments. This book also traces his close friendship with Henry Kissinger, which provided him with a direct line to the White House.

A unique bibliographic and historiographic guide to the study of contemporary Italy, this book points to over 650 texts that have shaped the academic and scholarly study of postwar Italy. It is the first guide to include a genuine mix of English-language and Italian-language materials and to approach these materials in a historiographic as well as a bibliographic manner. It is an ideal guide for English, North American, and Italian scholars who have just begun their study of Italy or want to know more about research in areas outside their area of expertise.

Following the introduction, which outlines the context within which the evolution of Italian studies should be viewed, the book is divided into two parts. Part I includes five historiographic chapters providing a detailed survey and analysis of works published in history, politics, government, the economy, and society. Part II is an annotated bibliographic guide to all of the texts pointed to in Part I.