Sicker provides a synthesis from a wide range of sources that have not previously been integrated to present an unromanticized recapitulation of the events and personalities that led to the troubled birth of modern Israel. Much historical writing on modern Israel, Sicker asserts, is apologetic and editorially filtered in conformity with a traditional Zionist historiography that tends to obscure as much as it reveals. As a result, the emergence of modern Israel is shrouded in a mythology that has little or no place for inconvenient facts or dissonant voices. Sicker examines the nature of the struggles within the Zionist community over the national idea and its implications, and the evolving interactions of that community with the external political environment. This leads him to assign a far more significant role to the so- called right-wing movements than is usually allotted to them in the traditional left-oriented historiography and a more critical assessment of the Zionist leadership.

He shows that virtually every major problem faced by contemporary Israel, a half-century after it came into existence, was foreshadowed by the events and circumstances that precipitated and conditioned its emergence. Sicker examines the seemingly irreconcilable differences between the left and right extremes of the political spectrum; between the religious community and the secular; and between the Zionists and the anti-Zionists. Today, a half-century later, these same issues are causing an increasing polarization of Israeli society, with uncertain ramifications for the future.

The civil rights movement occupies a prominent place in popular thinking and scholarly work on post-1945 U.S. history. Yet the dominant narrative of the movement remains that of a nonviolent movement born in the South during the 1950s that emerged triumphant in the early 1960s, only to be derailed by the twin forces of Black Power and white backlash when it sought to move outside the South after 1965. African American protest and political movements outside the South appear as ancillary and subsequent to the “real” movement in the South, despite the fact that black activism existed in the North, Midwest, and West in the 1940s, and persisted well into the 1970s. This book brings together new scholarship on black social movements outside the South to rethink the civil rights narrative and the place of race in recent history. Each chapter focuses on a different location and movement outside the South, revealing distinctive forms of U.S. racism according to place and the varieties of tactics and ideologies that community members used to attack these inequalities, to show that the civil rights movement was indeed a national movement for racial justice and liberation.

Preface by Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham

Afterword by Robin D.G. Kelley

This book describes the vibrant activity of survivors who founded Jewish historical commissions and documentation centers in Europe immediately after the Second World War. In the first postwar decade, these initiatives collected thousands of Nazi documents along with testimonies, memoirs, diaries, songs, poems, and artifacts of Jewish victims. They pioneered in developing a Holocaust historiography that placed the experiences of Jews at the center and used both victim and perpetrator sources to describe the social, economic, and cultural aspects of the everyday life and death of European Jews under the Nazi regime.
This book is the first in-depth monograph on these survivor historians and the organizations they created. A comparative analysis, it focuses on France, Poland, Germany, Austria, and Italy, analyzing the motivations and rationales that guided survivors in chronicling the destruction they had witnessed, while also discussing their research techniques, archival collections, and historical publications. It reflects growing attention to survivor testimony and to the active roles of survivors in rebuilding their postwar lives. It also discusses the role of documenting, testifying, and history writing in processes of memory formation, rehabilitation, and coping with trauma.
Jockusch finds that despite differences in background and wartime experiences between the predominantly amateur historians who created the commissions, the activists found documenting the Holocaust to be a moral imperative after the war, the obligation of the dead to the living, and a means for the survivors to understand and process their recent trauma and loss. Furthermore, historical documentation was vital in the pursuit of postwar justice and was deemed essential in counteracting efforts on the part of the Nazis to erase their wartime crimes. The survivors who created the historical commissions were the first people to study the development of Nazi policy towards the Jews and also to document Jewish responses to persecution, a topic that was largely ignored by later generations of Holocaust scholars.

"Spain Transformed" addresses the sweeping social and cultural changes that characterized the late Franco regime. Essential to explaining the dictatorship's extraordinary longevity, the strikingly successful transition to democracy following Franco's death in 1975. and the peace and prosperity enjoyed by Spain since then, this watershed period has received scant attention from scholars until now. This wide-ranging collection reassesses the dictatorship's latter years by drawing on a wealth of new material and ideas, using an interdisciplinary approach.

Here Singapore's President S.R. Nathan tells his own story, taking the reader back with him to his childhood, to modest beginnings and life as a runaway in Singapore and Malaya, and then the experience of renewed hope during the Japanese occupation. After a belated and limited university education, as well as a short spell as a social worker dealing with seafarers, he witnessed from inside the Labour Reserch Unit the birth of Singapore's modern trade union movement. Shortly after Singapore achieved full independence, he joined the staff of the newly established Ministry of Foreign Affairs, retiring - as he thought - as Permanent Secretary. However, he did not retire. After being asked to run the Straits Times newspaper for a time, he served as High Commissioner in Malaysia and Ambassador in the United States. Few people have packed so much into a life. And then, at an age when most people are well beyond the end of their working lives, he was elected President of Singapore, in which role he has won the hearts of many people in Singapore and abroad.

In 1940, the USSR occupied and annexed Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, leading to calls by many that the Soviets had violated international law. This book examines British, US, and Soviet policies toward the Baltic states, placing the true significance of the Baltic question in its proper geopolitical context.

Asia's 'Memory Problem' is unique. Chinese, Japanese and Koreans assign great significance to their national pasts; disagreements about one another's history and commemorative practices are heated and affect diplomatic and economic relationships. Honour and shame societies teach their members to think about the past differently than do societies of dignity and guilt. In Northeast Asia, the events judged most negative reveal weakness or incompetence, and they induce shame. For this reason, the Western 'politics of regret', which include practices based on violations of dignity and a sense of collective guilt, cannot be directly generalized to Northeast Asian cultures. These cultures are, thus, privileged sites for the study of memory. In no other regional setting is the interdependence of history, commemoration and belief so significant and problematic. In no other setting is the Memory Problem so acute.

This book offers a guide to the modern history of Afghanistan. This remote land, made up of many tribes and ethnic peoples, on the borders of Central Asia became a focus of Superpower rivalry and international intrigue after the Soviet invasion in 1979. This book shows how Afghanistan's traditional society has been profoundly shaken up in a cruelly destructive war, causing the world's biggest refugee problem and a chronic instability which threatens the wider region. Books by this author include The Sherley Legend, Conflict Studies on Pakistan and Muslim Fundamentalism and Kurdistan.

This book examines the political career of Hua Guofeng, Mao's successor as paramount leader in 1976. Hua emerged seemingly out of nowhere following an unexceptional career as a young revolutionary in Shanxi and a provincial official in Hunan. It was in Hunan that Hua became well-known to Mao and Hua's loyalty to Mao while he was there, just when Mao needed it most, helped to facilitate Hua's later ascent to power. On emerging as paramount leader, Hua moved quickly to arrest his opponents, the Gang of Four. As head of party, state and military, Hua looked well set to remain in power indefinitely. Just over two years later Hua had been eclipsed by Deng Xiaoping, a more politically shrewd, progressive and charismatic figure, with a political legacy that far outweighed Hua's modest beginnings. If Hua's rise to power was remarkable, then this fall was even more so.

Paris was home to one of the key European initiatives to document and commemorate the Holocaust, the Centre de documentation juive contemporaine . By analysing the earliest Holocaust narratives and their reception in France, this study provides a new understanding of the institutional development of Holocaust remembrance in France after the War.

Focusing on socialism as it has been practised in recent years, this text examines the serious set-backs that face its existence, particularly following events in Eastern Europe. The author argues that it is totalitarianism which is being rejected and not socialism as it was originally conceived. Instead of providing ordinary people, "the workers", with a larger share in economic decision-making, the socialist models have concentrated both economic and political power in the hands of the State, developing a form of state socialism. This second edition re-considers the arguments of the first text, and assesses the decisive swing to the right which has marked the political arena of the 1980s.;The author, Evan Luard, has published a number of titles, many for Macmillan. These include "Conflict and Peace in the Modern International System", "The United Nations: How It Works and What It Does", "The Management of the World Economy", "International Agencies: The Emerging Framework of Interdependence" and "International Society".

The 1973 military coup which overthrew the democratically elected left wing government of Salvador Allende gave previously peripheral elements of the right the opportunity to exercise almost unlimited political and economic power. However, with the return to democracy in 1990, the right had to adapt to electoral politics. This book examines whether it is conforming to the rules of the electoral game or still harking back to the golden age of military politics, a question of paramount importance to the future of Chile's still nascent democracy.

War in Afghanistan was inevitable since the rigid Islamic government of Taliban leader Mullah Muhammad Omar insured safe harbor to Osama bin Laden, leader of al-Qaida terrorists who killed 2,978 innocent people September 11, 2001, in Manhattan, the Pentagon and a Shanksville, Pennsylvania, pasture.

Bin Laden said the U.S. was targeted in retaliation for: 1] its support of Israel, 2] building a military base in Saudi Arabia, home of Islam's holy sites Mecca and Medina and 3] its "decadent" popular culture. There was an additional human factor that encompassed U.S. troops in a strange land. Thus, the story wound itself around feuding warlords, poppy fields, political clout of the Northern Alliance Tajik, Uzbek and Hazara clans who supported the U.S.-led war and the larger Pashtun clan that allowed the terror.

The Taliban government was overthrown in a month, al-Qaida's power was greatly diminished. Afghanistan held a Loya Jirga, adopted a constitution and the" people" elected a president for the first time in the nation's 5,000-year history.

The collective "we" (U.S., Great Britain, Australia, Norway, Denmark, Poland, Italy et al.) did that with the will of the Afghan people

Based on original research, this book disputes the notion that information management is a recent phenomenon. It traces its origins to the period 1945-1951, when the post-war Labour government, and its media architect, Herbert Morrison, moved from an idealistic commitment to open communication towards the pragmatic relationship with the media with which we are now familiar. In the process this government laid the foundations for the politics of spin. This book is indispensible to an understanding of the way contemporary governments communicate.

Even 35 years after Harold Macmillan's resignation in 1963, opinions are sharply divided over his achievements as a politician and prime minister. This volume contributes to the debate about Macmillan's political role, his successes and his failures, by examining key aspects of his political life. Biographers, historians, and contemporaries present facets of Macmillan's life, his political visions, his skills, successes and failures in his personal life as well as in his domestic and foreign policies. With most official papers covering his active political life until his resignation now in the public domain, a more considered judgement about his party political and his governmental activities is possible. Taking account of this newly available documentary evidence, there is much yet to be written on Harold Macmillan's career, but this collection bears witness to the fact that his was a magnificent life.

In the period after World War II, the United States under the Truman administration provided Turkey with military assistance under the Truman Doctrine and gained admission for Turkey into the NATO alliance in 1952, which blocked Soviet entry to the Middle East.;In this text the author describes, for the viewpoint of a particpant, how this process took place. In this memoir, McGhee concentrates on Turkey during the period 1947-53, from the promulgation of the Truman Doctrine through the initiation of the massive US aid that enabled Turkey to build militarily and economically to meet its NATO responsibilities. Much of the source material used includes memorandums of conversations with the President, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Turkey during successive diplomatic roles as well as documents released by the Department of State archives. George McGhee has also written "At the Creation of a New Germany" and "Envoy to the Middle World" and edited "Diplomacy for the Future".

Anyone who has studied international migration to Western Europe should be familiar with Nermin Abadan-Unat, who has been a central figure in charting Turkish labor migration to Germany, the Netherlands, France, and other European countries since the early 1960s. In addition, she has made major contributions to the broader social sciences. She is especially known for her research on the position of women-in Turkey, in international migration, and in processes of social development . . . Her many books and scientific articles span the social sciences, and this has given her the ability to make linkages and to unravel complex processes of development, modernization, and globalization. From the Foreword

One of the foremost scholars on Turkish migration, the author offers in this work the summary of her experiences and research on Turkish migration since 1963. During these forty years her aim has been threefold: to explain the journeys made by thousands of Turkish men and women to foreign lands out of choice, necessity, or invitation; to shed light on the difficulties they faced; and to elaborate on how their lives were affected by the legal, political, social, and economic measures in the countries where they settled. The extensive research done both in Turkey and in Europe into the lives of individuals directly and indirectly affected by the migration phenomenon and the examination of these research results further enhances the value of this wide-ranging study as a definitive reference work.

A general history of the critical first year of the Korean War, this study deals primarily with relations between General Douglas MacArthur and President Harry S. Truman from June 1950 to April 1951, a period that defined the war's direction until General Mark Clark, the final U.N. Commander, signed the Armistice two years later. Although the ever-changing military situation is outlined, the main focus is on policymaking and the developing friction between Truman and MacArthur. Wainstock contradicts the common view that MacArthur and Truman were constantly at odds on the basic aims of the war. In the matter of carrying the fight to Communist China, MacArthur and the Joint Chiefs differed only on timing, not on the need for such action.

The end of the Cold War has provided historians with a better opportunity to study the forces that shaped the thinking of America's leaders at the time of the Korean War. The sheer quantity of material now available, while daunting, is filled with colorful and outstanding personalities, dramatic action, and momentous actions that have had an impact on world events even to the present day. Wainstock ultimately concludes that Washington placed too much emphasis on anti-Communist ideology, rather than long-term national interest, in the decision first to intervene in the war and later to cross the crucial 38th Parallel. He also emphasizes the important contributions of General Matthew B. Ridgway in stopping the Chinese offensive and in influencing Washington's decision not to carry the war to Communist China.

Charismatic and committed, John F. Kennedy remains one of the most revered, and most disliked, of US Presidents. Dedicated to changing 'the look' of the American Presidency, Kennedy was also pledged to changing the nature of US foreign policy-making. Victory in the Cold War was possible, he said, and the greatest challenge to that victory was in the Asian/Pacific region. Success there would signal the end of the communist versus capitalist confrontation. America 'can do it', he vowed. This book describes the Kennedy administration's desperate efforts to achieve the impossible dream: an American Cold War victory throughout Asia and the Pacific.

Told for the first time, the riveting story of how common people-miners, cooks, former soldiers-shook off the intimidation of Serbian strongman Slobadan Milosevic and overthrew, peacefully, his tyrannical regime. Based on numerous interviews with participants, from the man in the street to top officials in the Serbian regime, The Fall of Milosevicrecounts the exhilaration, fear and chaos of a population rising in opposition to a tyrant, the “Butcher of the Balkans.” As the people gather in protest, behind the scenes the pillars of Milosevic’s regime crumble as politicians, military officers, and the police desert a leader no longer legitimate in the eyes of the people. This is the story of individuals facing down fear and rising up for democracy.

Unlike earlier studies of the Marshall Plan, this volume concentrates not on events in Washington, but on those in France and Italy--the second and third largest beneficiaries of the Plan. Using U.S., French, and Italian sources, the author analyzes the impact of the Plan on French and Italian economic policy between 1948 and 1950. Taking neither a "realist" nor "revisionist" stance, the author argues that massive American aid to Western Europe was a perceived political necessity--that American, French, and Italian governments shared with Truman the strategic-ideological goal of Communist containment. Yet, not all of the philosophy embedded in the Plan could be implemented, and American ideology did not, therefore, have a decisive influence in reshaping postwar French or Italian economic policies. The book's introduction discusses the goals of the Marshall Plan and how postwar political circumstances led France and Italy to dissimilar economic recovery paths that would often clash with American goals. The following seven chapters analyze how American officials sought to influence French and Italian economic policies. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 cover the French case; chapters 5, 6, and 7, the Italian. The concluding chapter provides a direct comparison of the French and Italian experiences and suggests implications for current historiographical debates.

For much of the past decade, all diplomatic initiatives designed to advance the Arab-Israeli peace process have had in common a concern for the future of the West Bank. This region, along with the Gaza Strip, has often been discussed, but rarely studied. Palestinians living under occupation were often seen as passive and leaderless. This view is no longer tenable.The uprising, or intifadah, that began in the West Bank and Gaza in late 1987 and continued into 1988 represents a new phase of the Palestinian resistance to occupation and search for self-determination. Palestinians in these areas, especially the youth, are politically mobilized and highly nationalistic. The uprising needs to be seen in perspective. It is the product of profound political, social, and economic changes that have taken place over the past twenty years. Emile Sayliyeh analyzes in detail and with great personal knowledge the internal politics of the West Bank Palestinians and their international implications. Traditionally, West Bank politics had been the domain of elite, prominent families used by the Ottomans, the British, and the Jordanians to control local politics. Recent social changes, such as the growing trend toward higher education, exposure to the mass media, and labor mobility, have coincided with recent political changes the consolidation of the communist movement, the radicalization of the student population, and the resurgence of Islam to challenge the political order and give more power to the mass-supported local politicians. In Search of Leadership offers the first comprehensive look at the social and political bases of the factions and groups in the West Bank and suggests how they will affect Palestinian politics in the years ahead.

This book focuses on US-UK relations with Jordan for the entire period of King Hussein's reign, explaining Hussein's successes and failures, while emphasizing the declining influence of London and the rising influence of Washington.

This is the first book in English to examine the reconstruction of Japan's bombed cities after World War II. Five case studies (of Tokyo, Hiroshima, Osaka, Okinawa, and Nagaoka) are framed by broader essays on the evolution of Japanese planning and architecture, Japan's urban policies in Manchuria and comparisons between Japanese and European reconstruction.

In recent years, the effects of economic openness and technological change have fuelled dissatisfaction with established political systems and led to new forms of political populism that exploit the economic and political resentment created by globalization. This shift in politics was evident in the decision by UK voters to leave the European Union in June 2016, the November 2016 election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, as well as the rise of populist movements on left and right throughout much of Europe. To many voters, the economy appears to be broken. Conventional politics is failing. Parties of the left and centre-left have struggled to forge a convincing response to this new phase of globalization in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. This book examines the challenges that the new era of globalization poses for progressive parties and movements across the world. It brings together leading thinkers and experts including Andrew Gamble, Jeffry Frieden and Vivien Schmidt to debate the structural causes and political consequences of this new wave of globalization.