This study examines the evolution and political consequences of the 2009 British MPs' expenses scandal. Despite claims of a revolution in British politics, we show how the expenses scandal had a limited, short-term impact.

This, the thirteenth annual volume of the Index to International Public Opinion, includes data from public opinion polls dealing with more than 145 countries and geographical regions. All tables contain total sample results, and many include analysis by various population sub-groups, such as age, sex, education, economic levels, national regions, and religion. As has been the case since the initial volume, the survey questions deal with key social, political, and economic issues of contemporary as well as historical interest. This volume contains data from surveys conducted mainly during the period Spring 1990 through Spring 1991. For trend analysis purposes, a number of time series tables are included covering a decade or more. The volume is organized by major topic categories, each of which is subdivided into more specific subject groups. Beyond the subject categorizations, the countries in which the polls were conducted are ordered alphabetically. The volume concludes with a three-part subject index. As the richest ongoing reference source for public opinion data, this volume as well as its predecessor volumes are invaluable for scholars of social, political, and economic issues, for business leaders, journalists, and government officials.

The opinion poll has become commonplace in politics and typically reveals public desires for greater government social welfare assistance, such as more aid for education or health care. These statistics seem to proclaim the welfare state’s enduring popularity. Though sincere, these desires largely reflect how questions are asked. Unfortunately, polls usually lack basic economic restraints. There are no costs, risks or disasters in the world of polling. Market-based solutions are routinely excluded. This book works to reveal these shortcomings and clearly demonstrates why a government ruled by the vox populi would be folly.

With a foreword by Isabel Hardman HAVE YOU EVER WONDERED...how people feel about sleeping with the political enemy? ...whether gambling markets are best at predicting political outcomes? ...who Santa Claus would vote for? Then look no further. More Sex, Lies and the Ballot Box brings us another collection of concise chapters penned by leading political experts and delving into the fascinating field of electoral politics. Following on from the success of its bestselling predecessor, this illuminating book shines a light on how we vote in Britain and around the world. You'll learn about the shifting landscape of party politics and the perceptions and misconceptions that shape our opinions of our politicians and of each other. You'll learn about the factors informing voter habits - from class, race and gender to the internet and the weather. You'll also learn which political party has the most sexually satisfied supporters. Forget mind-numbing numbers and difficult demographics. This sharp and frequently hilarious volume is fizzing with accessible facts and figures that are more than just conversation starters - they're unexpected insights into the human condition.

The European elections of 1999 highlight the liberation of the “European Question” from the old left-right conflicts. This electoral geography of Europe maps an increasingly diverse world of political opinion and commitment. The increasing strength of Green parties, the continued decline of European communism, and ethno-regionalism are some of the key issues that this book explores with the hope that Europe can begin constructing a real European public space within which a strong link to citizens can be woven.

Historians have pointed to John F. Kennedy’s 1960 campaign as the first time a presidential candidate relied extensively on public opinion polls. Since then, polling has come to define American politics, and is perhaps most clearly embodied in Bill Clinton, the most poll-driven president in history. Melvin G. Holli, however, reveals that reliance on public opinion polls dates to the New Deal Era, when Franklin D. Roosevelt employed a first-generation Finnish-American named Emil Hurja to conduct polls for his 1932 and 1936 campaigns. Roosevelt’s triumph in 1932 and in 1936, as well as the spectacular 1934 Democratic congressional victory, is legendary. What few people know is the story about what happened behind the scenes: Emil Hurja was the driving force behind the Democrats during the New Deal Era. Holli restores Hurja to his rightful place American history and politics, showing us that the Washington press corps were right on target when they dubbed Hurja the “Wizard of Washington.”

The referendum first became established with voter ratification of the Massachusetts Constitution in 1780. Other types were adopted in the nineteenth century, largely through the efforts of Progressives and Populists seeking to authorize voters to utilize the initiative-referendum and protest referendum. Certain referenda, particularly on adoption or amendment of constitutions and local government charters, are well established and non-controversial. Other referenda, the general initiative-referendum and the protest referendum, have been controversial since their inception. Zimmerman analyzes a number of general initiative and protest referendum campaigns in order to develop conclusions as to their desirability and the need for reform.

Experience with the various types of referenda reveal the need for the development of a general theory of their use, combining elements of the theory of representative democracy based on the leadership-feedback model and the theory of direct democracy based upon decision making by assembled voters. Referenda experience also reveals that certain types of referenda would be unnecessary if each state government devolved broad powers to general purpose local government. Zimmerman's analysis of the development of the 16 types of referenda and their attributes and defects will be a major resource for scholars, students, policy makers, and the general public interested in issues of local and state government effectiveness and accountability.

Exploring the extent and nature of attitudinal ambivalence on public policy issues, these essays by distinguished scholars of public opinion examine citizens' conflicting attitudes about abortion, gay rights, environmental protection and property rights, crime and the police, and church-state relations. Linking ambivalence with a complex structure of belief, the contributors link the effects of ambivalence on information processing, the formation of policy preferences, and the impact of those policy preferences on voters' decisions. Using multiple approaches to measurement and research design, this volume helps build a sturdy foundation of knowledge about the phenomenon of ambivalence and its effects on politics. The concluding chapter provides an overview of our progress in understanding the effects of ambivalence on public opinion.

Evaluation research has been subject to a tremendous boom in recent years advancing to become an important instrument for analysing the effectiveness of government programmes as well as reviewing the performance of and auditing both public and private sector organisations. The purpose of this book is to explore the advances that have taken place in evaluation research and to place these advances in their correct context thus providing a comprehensive and impelling overview of the subject. As well as exploring various concepts, theories and methods used in evaluation, this volume also presents the societal function of evaluation and the social processes associated with performing effective evaluations. By using examples from all over the world the books shows the typical way in which evaluations are processed and how they can be used in a variety of policy fields. It is a must-read for students and scholars with a background in evaluation as well as newcomers to the subject who will find this new contribution to the literature on the subject an invaluable tool.

From American involvement in Iraq to post-apartheid South Africa, the issue of public participation in foreign policy has gained considerable prominence in the last decade. The recent WikiLeaks campaign has brought the issue to the forefront of public opinion by dispelling the veil of secrecy behind which politics once hid. The public is becoming increasingly immersed in the political landscape, and widespread opposition to both the war in Iraq and the financial cuts suggests that the people are rediscovering their political voice. Bringing together a range of opinions from academia, government, think tanks, non-governmental organizations, trade unions and business, this book raises potent questions about the role of the public in shaping foreign policy. It explores the breakdown of the boundaries between the public domain and the government and argues that there is a still a long way to go before public opinion will have the power to alter foreign policy.

"Craig and Martinez have brought together a stellar cast to provide a state-of-the-art resource that summarizes the field and provides groundbreaking original studies on nearly all elements of ambivalence. This is a must-read for all public opinion scholars, but the theory and measurement issues raised would also help researchers in other fields conceptualize problems of duality."-- Donald Haider-Markel, University of Kansas""Ambivalence and the Structure of Public Opinion" is a timely collection of the latest work on ambivalence, its theoretical meaning, its measurement, and its impact in politics. The collection explores ambivalence in issues (e.g., abortion), towards political institutions (such as Congress and the Courts), and in patriotism. Democratic politics is inevitably conflictual and so a focused consideration of ambivalence is of special value and this collection delivers a worthy array of thoughtful and empirically rich explorations of the ways in which inner conflict infuses politics."-- George E. Marcus, Williams College

For centuries it has been assumed that democracy must refer to the empowerment of the People's voice. In this pioneering book, Jeffrey Edward Green makes the case for considering the People as an ocular entity rather than a vocal one. Green argues that it is both possible and desirable to understand democracy in terms of what the People gets to see instead of the traditional focus on what it gets to say. The Eyes of the People examines democracy from the perspective of everyday citizens in their everyday lives. While it is customary to understand the citizen as a decision-maker, in fact most citizens rarely engage in decision-making and do not even have clear views on most political issues. The ordinary citizen is not a decision-maker but a spectator who watches and listens to the select few empowered to decide. Grounded on this everyday phenomenon of spectatorship, The Eyes of the People constructs a democratic theory applicable to the way democracy is actually experienced by most people most of the time. In approaching democracy from the perspective of the People's eyes, Green rediscovers and rehabilitates a forgotten "plebiscitarian" alternative within the history of democratic thought. Building off the contributions of a wide range of thinkers-including Aristotle, Shakespeare, Benjamin Constant, Max Weber, Joseph Schumpeter, and many others-Green outlines a novel democratic paradigm centered on empowering the People's gaze through forcing politicians to appear in public under conditions they do not fully control. The Eyes of the People is at once a sweeping overview of the state of democratic theory and a call to rethink the meaning of democracy within the sociological and technological conditions of the twenty-first century. In addition to political scientists and students of democracy, the book likely will be of interest to political journalists, theorists of visual culture, and anyone in search of political principles that acknowledge, rather than repress, the pathologies of political life in contemporary mass society.

Do we judge the poor? Do we fear them? Do we have a moral obligation to help those in need? The moral and social grounds of solidarity and deservedness in relation to aid for poor people are rarely steady. This is particularly true under contemporary austerity reforms, where current debates question exactly who is most 'deserving' of protection in times of crisis. These arguments have accompanied a rise in the production of negative and punitive sentiments towards the poor. This book breaks new ground in the discussion of the moral dimension of poverty and its implications for the treatment of the poor in mature welfare states, drawing upon the diverse political, social and symbolic constructions of deservedness and otherness. It takes a new look at the issue of poverty from the perspective of public policy, media and public opinion. It also examines, in a topical manner, the various ways in which certain factions contribute to the production of stereotyped representations of poverty and to the construction of boundaries between 'insiders' and 'outsiders' in our society. Case studies from the UK and Italy are used to examine these issues, and to understand the impact that a moralising of poverty has on the everyday experiences of the poor. This is valuable reading for students and researchers interested in contemporary social work, social policy and welfare systems.

This book explores situations in which public opinion presents itself as an obstacle to the protection and promotion of human rights. Taking an international law perspective, it primarily deals with two questions: first, whether international law requires States to take an independent stance on human rights issues; second, whether international law encourages States to inform and mobilise public opinion with regard to core human rights standards. The discussion is mainly organised within the framework of the UN system. The work is particularly relevant to situations in which public opinion appears as discriminatory attitudes based on race, gender, age, health, sexual orientation and other factors. It is also pertinent to circumstances in which public opinion is responsible for the existence of certain harmful customs and practices such as female genital mutilation and capital punishment. Noting that the death penalty is increasingly recognised as an infringement of human rights, this study further challenges States' argument that capital punishment cannot be abolished because of public opinion. The book also discusses the role that education bears under international law in moulding favourable attitudes towards human rights. Finally, the book challenges States' acceptance that public opinion cannot be confronted in this respect.

This contributors' volume examines the ways in which public opinion affects public policy via the news media. Insofar as the media represent or characterize the public, they represent or frame policy questions and decisions. They convey--accurately or inaccurately--the overall climate of public opinion to policymakers, and are themselves used as evidence of public opinion by policymakers. This work draws together theory and original research concerning the role of the press in shaping public policy and links the fields of journalism, mass communications, and political science.

This work will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in journalism, communications studies, public policy, government, and political science.

The recent resurgence of populist movements and parties has led to a revival of scholarly interest in populism. This volume brings together well-established and new scholars to reassess the subject and combine historical and theoretical perspectives to shed new light on the history of the subject, as well as enriching contemporary discussions. In three parts, the contributors explore the history of populism in different regions, theories of populism and recent populist movements. Taken together, the contributions included in this book represent the most comprehensive and wide-ranging study of the topic to date. Questions addressed include: - What are the 'essential' characteristics of populism? - Is it important to distinguish between left- and right-wing populism? - How can the transformation of populist movements be explained? This is the most thorough and up to date comparative historical study of populism available. As such it will be of great value to anyone researching or studying the topic.

Citizen Satisfaction investigates the topic of satisfaction with government services from a variety of perspectives, using case studies and empirical results from satisfaction studies at the federal level.

Public opinion polls point to a continuing decline in confidence in the Presidency, court system, Congress, the news media, state government, public education, and other key institutions. Moy and Pfau analyze the reasons for this crisis of confidence, with particular attention to the role of the media. Moy and Pfau examine the impact of sociodemographic factors, political expertise, and use of communication media on people's perceptions of confidence in democratic institutions. Their conclusions are based on two years of data collection. In three waves between 1995 and 1997, they conducted a series of content analyses of media depictions of democratic institutions in conjunction with general survey data. The result is one of the most comprehensive examinations ever conducted on the influence of the media on public confidence. It will be of great value to scholars, researchers, students, and professionals in government and the media.

This book analyses the aesthetic and utopian dimensions of various activist social movements in Western Europe since 1989. Through a series of case studies, it demonstrates how dreams of a better society have manifested themselves in contexts of political confrontation, and how artistic forms have provided a language to express the collective desire for social change. The study begins with the 1993 occupation of Claremont Road in east London, an attempt to prevent the demolition of homes to make room for a new motorway. In a squatted row of houses, all available space was transformed and filled with elements that were both aesthetic and defensive - so when the authorities arrived to evict the protestors, sculptures were turned into barricades. At the end of the decade, this kind of performative celebration merged with the practices of the antiglobalisation movement, where activists staged spectacular parallel events alongside the global elite's international meetings. As this book shows, social movements try to erase the distance that separates reality and political desire, turning ordinary people into creators of utopias. Squatted houses, carnivalesque street parties, counter-summits, and camps in central squares, all create a physical place of these utopian visions

What do citizens say about Europe? Before the crisis of 2008 citizens in Britain, France and Francophone Belgium were 'overlooking' Europe by ignoring it in favour of globalisation, economic flows, and crises of political corruption. Innovative focus group methods allow analysis of the nature of their reactions and positions, and demonstrate how euroscepticism is a red herring. Instead they articulate indifference to and ambivalence about Europe contrasting with activists who engage in conflict about European issues. The analysis shows national and social differences. French projection contrasts with British exteriorisation and Belgian incorporation. The social gap is not a matter of deficits: workers have real arguments about issues close to home while managers show more concern about European politics.This book is part of the qualitative turn in European studies and both complements and challenges established knowledge on European attitudes.

"Japanese Public Opinion and the War on Terrorism" examines the effect the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States had on one of America's most important ally, Japan, as it struggles to define a post-Cold War role for itself in international security affairs. This study looks at Japanese mass opinion, the role of the Japanese media, both print and visual, in framing discourse on security, the response of political parties to public opinion, the position of Japanese intellectuals in the debate on the war on terrorism, civil society, and public opinion in Okinawa.

Two original national surveys were conducted to examine the differences between mass and elite opinion regarding the policy making decisions of the Supreme Court in the area of criminal procedure. The results of the surveys indicate that those who have obtained a legal education are generally more protective of civil libertarian ideals. However, at times, when the Supreme Court has decided against what would be considered the civil libertarian alternative, lawyers are actually less civil libertarian than the rest of the mass public. Among the mass public, knowledge and education did not play as prominent a role in shaping opinions as did demographic variables. The survey results indicate that divergent opinions regarding the root causes of crime account for the differences in opinion regarding police methods in apprehending potential defendants. Most surprising, and most significant, is that contrary to reports in the mass media, the mass public is relatively protective of civil liberties. Professor Lock then proposes approaches whereby the courts and the legal profession can work to develop an even more supportive mass public. A study of particular importance to students, scholars, and public policy makers in the areas of constitutional and criminal law and public opinion.

Fox News, MSNBC, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Rush Limbaugh Show, National Public Radio - a list of available political media sources could continue without any apparent end. This book investigates how people navigate these choices. It asks whether people are using media sources that express political views matching their own, a behavior known as partisan selective exposure. By looking at newspaper, cable news, news magazine, talk radio, and political website use, this book offers the most comprehensive look to-date at the extent to which partisanship influences our media selections. Using data from numerous surveys and experiments, the results provide broad evidence about the connection between partisanship and news choices. This book also examines who seeks out likeminded media and why they do it. Perceptions of partisan biases in the media vary - sources that seem quite biased to some don't seem so biased to others. These perceptual differences provide insight into why some people select politically likeminded media - a phenomenon that is democratically consequential. On one hand, citizens may become increasingly divided from using media that coheres with their political beliefs. In this way, partisan selective exposure may result in a more fragmented and polarized public. On the other hand, partisan selective exposure may encourage participation and understanding. Likeminded partisan information may inspire citizens to participate in politics and help them to organize their political thinking. But, ultimately, the partisan use of niche news has some troubling effects. It is vital that we think carefully about the implications both for the conduct of media research and, more broadly, for the progress of democracy.

Taking the reader through a long view of American history, What Happened to the Vital Center? offers a novel and important contribution to the ongoing scholarly and popular discussion of how America fell apart and what might be done to end the Cold Civil War that fractures the country and weakens the national resolve. In What Happened to the Vital Center?, Nicholas Jacobs and Sidney Milkis tackle a foundational question within American political history: Is current partisan polarization, aggravated by populist disdain for constitutional principles and institutions, a novel development in American politics? Populism is not a new threat to the country's democratic experiment, but now insurgents intrude directly on elections and government. During previous periods of populist unrest, the US was governed by resilient parties that moderated extremist currents within the political system. This began to crumble during the 1960s, as anti-institutionalist incursions into the Democratic and Republican organizations gave rise to reforms that empowered activists at the expense of the median voter and shifted the controlling power over parties to the executive branch. Gradually, the moderating influence that parties played in structuring campaigns and the policy process eroded to the point where extreme polarization dominated and decision-making power migrated to the presidency. Weakened parties were increasingly dominated by presidents and their partnerships with social activists, leading to a gridlocked system characterized by the politics of demonization and demagoguery. Executive-centered parties more easily ignore the sorts of moderating voices that had prevailed in an earlier era. While the Republican Party is more susceptible to the dangers of populism than the Democrats, both parties are animated by a presidency-led, movement-centered vision of democracy. After tracing this history, the authors dismiss calls to return to some bygone era. Rather, the final section highlights the ways in which the two parties can be revitalized as institutions of collective responsibility that can transform personal ambition and rancorous partisanship into principled conflict over the profound issues that now divide the country. The book will transform our understanding of how we ended up in our current state of extreme polarization and what we can do to fix it.