In his most explicitly political work to date, Pierre Bourdieu speaks out against the new myths of our time - especially those associated with neo-liberalism - and offers a passionate defence of the public interest. The withdrawal of the state from many areas of social life in recent years - housing, health, social services, etc. - has produced growing despair in the most deprived sections of the population; the dismantling of public welfare in the name of private enterprise, flexible markets and global competitiveness is increasing the misery of those who have suffered most. In this sharp, uncompromising attack on neo-liberalism and those who champion it - from the IMF to the President of the Bundesbank, from politicians to academic commentators - Bourdieu stands up for the interests of the powerless and helps to give a voice to those individuals, groups and social movements whose views are rarely heard in the dominant media.

A powerful plea for a new internationalism which would seek to defend the public interest and the social rights of ordinary people against the new prophets of the marketplace, this important and timely book by one of Europe's most outstanding intellectuals deserves to be widely read.

This book explores the political and legal institutions necessary for a democratic socialism in advanced industrial societies. It argues that a democratic socialist society needs a firm framework of public law, and a formal constitution. Populist conceptions of direct democracy and informal justice are argued to be inadequate as the primary means of democratic control in a complex society; likewise Marxist views of the "withering away of the state" are challenged as utopian. The book maintains that radical reforms in political institutions are necessary in order to effect social change.

What has happened to the European radical left after the collapse of the USSR? How has it reacted, reformed, even revived? This new volume is one of the first to provide an overview of the main developments in contemporary European radical left parties (those defining themselves as to the left of, and not merely on the left of social democracy), which are now an increasingly visible phenomenon in European party politics. Unlike many of the existing studies it focuses on communist and non-communist parties, addresses their non-parliamentary and international activity, and takes a pan-European perspective, focusing on both Eastern and Western Europe. March focuses on key contemporary left parties, the nature of their radicalism and their ideological and strategic positions, and overall, addresses their current dynamics and immediate electoral prospects. The book argues that radical left parties are still afflicted by existential crises about the nature of 'socialism', and the future of communist parties in particular is under threat. The most successful left parties are no longer extremist, but present themselves as defending values and policies that social democrats have allegedly abandoned, focus on pragmatism rather than ideology and increasingly orientate themselves towards government. Providing a significant contribution to existing literature in the field, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of comparative politics, political parties and radical politics.

This work establishes the uniqueness of the Marxian category of Capital on the basis of the original texts by Marx. The study has been neglected in the existing literature. The wage-labor relationship is shown to be necessary and sufficient for the existence of capital(ism). Individual ownership is shown to be a particular form of capitalist private property which can also take the form of collective ownership. The author argues the capitalist character of the Soviet economy.

Cultures of Uneven and Combined Development seeks to explore and develop Leon Trotsky's concept of uneven and combined development. In particular, it aims to adapt the political and historical analysis which originated in Trotsky's Russia for use within the contemporary field of world literature. As such, it draws together the work of scholars from both the field of international relations and the field of literature and the arts. This collection will therefore be of particular interest to anyone who is interested in new ways of understanding world literary texts, or interested in new ways of applying Trotsky's revolutionary politics to the contemporary world order. Contributors: Alexander Anievas, Gail Day, James Christie, Kamran Matin, Kerem Nisancioglu, Luke Cooper, Michael Niblett, Neil Davidson, Nesrin Degirmencioglu, Robert Spencer, Steve Edwards.

Until recently, histories of women tended to be segregated from the larger historical context. This pioneering volume places the role of women within the history of the interwar years, whenboth the women's and socialist movements became prominent, and raises the key question of how power was distributed between the genders in a historical setting. The emblematic title of this volume highlights the fundamental conception of this comparative study of eleven West European countries: that in the interwar decades two great movements gained in strength, converged, diverged, competed, and cooperated. Each of these movements is viewed as acomplex matrix of organized and unorganized participants. However, by far the most provocative questions deal with gender relations. Central to these are definitions of femininity and masculinity in terms of mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion at the workplace, in the home, and in the political arena. The mystique of the "new woman" in the 1920s and the 1930s challenged traditional notions of gender identity and relations, not the least of which was the redefinition of the role of men. The main issue addressed in this volume is not how male socialists "dealt with" the woman question or how women functioned in or outside left-wingparties; it rather centers on illustrating the power distribution between the sexes in specific political and cultural contexts. This rigorously focused and coherent volume, to which some of the best-known scholars in the field have contributed, will no doubt establish itself as the standard reference work for years to come.

First published in English in 1924 this ambitious work, by the famous Marxist theoretician Karl Kautsky, aims to provide nothing less than an "exposition of the methods to introduce socialism" amongst the capitalist economies of Europe in the post-World War One era. Looking back on the experiences of the German socialist movement and looking forwards to the likelihood of a Labour government in Great Britain, he discusses the problems facing a labour revolution in Europe, with particular reference to the role of the middle classes, the transitional period between capitalism and socialism, and the economic impact of a socialist revolution.

This book provides a contemporary assessment of Marx's theory of money. This theory is often praised as one of Marx's greatest achievements, especially when compared with either classical or neoclassical economics. On the other hand, Marx's theory of money has also been severely criticized, especially that is seems to require that money be a produced commodity. The contributors to the volume provide a wide-ranging and in-depth appraisal of the strengths and weaknesses of Marx's theory of money, compared to other theories of money.

First published in 1979, Political Economy and Soviet Socialism is an integrated selection of papers written over the past 12 years of Russian history, which offers a unique insight into some important and controversial issues. Professor Nove discusses the ideas of some of the leaders of the Russian revolution (Lenin, Trotsky and Bukharin), the political economy of socialism and the problems of the contemporary USSR. The author addresses the role of traditional Russian ideas in shaping the Soviet Union's social structure and the conceptual problems involved in defining its ruling stratum - whether or not it is a class. He also considers the criteria by which it is reasonable to judge Soviet reality, the performance and prospects of agriculture in communist-ruled Europe, the ability of the Eastern bloc to tackle problems of inflation and the obstacles to economic reform. Looking at the important and original developments of economic thought in the USSR and Eastern Europe, Professor Nove dissects the ideas of the ?new leftists? concerning the role of market forces under a feasible socialism. These papers offer essential reading for students of politics, economics and comparative social structure.

In this book, first published in 1989, Ken Post and Phil Wright provide a critical analysis of socialist construction in underdeveloped countries. Pointing out that all the socialist revolutions of the twentieth century have occurred in underdeveloped peripheral capitalist countries, they focus on the relationship between socialism and underdevelopment. They bring together the insights of both development theory and the political economy of socialism, and draw upon their direct experience of the state socialist societies as diverse as North Korea, Yugoslavia, Vietnam, and the Soviet Union.

This study by Simonia is among the first to present an in-depth analysis of the theory and practical effect of the "transition to socialism" in Russia. The work consists of two parts: the first deals with the attempt initiated by Lenin to affect a socialist system, the evolution of his theoretical thought, and his search for a model of indirect transition to socialism (through state capitalism); the second analyzes Stalin's direct declaration of state-bureaucratic socialism, his distortion of the ideas of cooperation, state capitalism, and socialist accumulation, and the failure of his communist society. In concluding, Simonia relates Russia's socialist development to its current economic and socio-political problems, providing insights into its tortuous and thorny history.

Students new to the work of William Morris will find the full range of his achievements covered in this reissue of Peter Faulkner's excellent biography, first published in 1980. The author has carefully placed Morris in the context of the Victorian age, but has also suggested the relevance of his ideas today. The six chapters are organised biographically and cover all aspects of Morris's work in poetry, fiction, design and socialist politics.

The emphasis is on his continuous struggle against the age in which he lived, seen as an idealism which went through various stages from the wistfulness of The Earthly Paradise through the practical activities of the firm of Morris & Company to the socialism of Morris's later years. The book quotes freely from writings by Morris which are not easily accessible and gives an overall account from which the student can develop his specialist interests. This reissue will appeal to sixth-formers and undergraduates interested in the Victorian period, as seen through one of its most striking personalities.

When this book appeared in 1980, Morris's reputation had risen again after the low estimates of the interwar period. This was due both to the reappraisal of his politics and to the expanding popularity of his designs. Against the Age offers a clear account of Morris's career for those developing an interest in his numerous achievements. It covers the whole range of Morris's work, and argues for his significance as a writer of both poetry and prose. Since 1980 our knowledge of Morris has been enriched by the publication of Norman Kelvin's edition of his Collected Letters, by the late Nicholas Salmond's editions of his contributions to the socialist journals, by Fiona MacCarthy's biography of 1984, and by the increasing recognition of Morris as a pioneer of environmentalism. However, the book retains its value for its wide coverage and its balanced attitude to Morris's achievements, and for its encouragement to readers to consider the issues that make Morris of continuing importance today.

Guild Socialism Restated is G D H Cole's fullest and most systematic account of his vision of industrial and political reorganization. The introductory chapters of the volume develop the theme of democratic citizenship in relation to industrial society. Cole contends that neither capitalism nor state socialism can adequately meet the fundamental requirements of democracy because neither provides institutions through which active citizenship can be achieved. He insists that the latter can only be realized in the realm of industrial relations. The central chapters of the book develop a view of socialist organization in which citizenship is a vital ingredient in every arena -- from that of the workplace to national policymaking.

Flora Tristan was a most remarkable woman. Born at the begining of the 19th century, her short life was packed with adventure and achievement. An illegitimate child, she had a disastrous marriage to a husband who tried to kill her. In vain pursuit of her rightful inheritance, she sailed unchaperoned across the perilous Atlantic to Peru. Returning to France, she became a socialist, and feminist, and commited herself to a life of political radicalism. She recognized that until the economic conditions of the poor were alleviated there was little prospect of female emancipation. Her strategy was to establish a union of workers throughout France to press for socialist measures. However, linking the feminist cause to socialism proved to be fraught with difficulty. Flora Tristan found that working class organizations were indifferent, and even hostile, to the idea of female equality. In short, Flora Tristan exemplifies in her life and work, both the history of feminism, in its phases of optimism, realism and dissillusion, and the tensions between feminism and socialism.

This book examines the structure and ideology of all the main leftist groups in Iran. It considers their role in the Revolution, and analyses their relations with Khomeini and his colleagues. It also explains why the majority of the leftist organisations had defected from the Islamic regime by the summer of 1981. A second important theme of the book is the way in which the Soviet Union responded to the treatment of the Left by the Islamic government. Based on extensive analysis of original source material in Farsi and other languages and numerous interviews with leftist leaders and participants, the book provides a detailed portrait of the Left in contemporary Iran.

This volume sets forth as simply as possible the theoretical foundations which underlie the practical policies of democratic Socialism. This involves both a repudiation and a refutation of the assumptions of the older classical economists who believed in laissez-faire, and a careful differentiation of the economics of democratic Socialism from the neo-classical doctrines associated with the name of Maynard Keynes.

This book studies John Strachey, one of the most important left intellectuals in twentieth century Britain. It provides a detailed exposition of his intellectual evolution set in its historical context, thus highlighting the options, pressures, dilemmas and pitfalls besetting British socialists in the turbulent times of the inter and post-war periods.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it appeared that development would be defined by the neo-liberal strategy of integration into the world market. This book investigates alternative strategies for developing countries through case studies of Cuba and Vietnam, and with reference to the experience of China. The essays assess the transitions of the two countries to world market integration, with emphasis on the role of state enterprises, structural transformation, and provision of social welfare.

This volume was Cole's first major work of political economy in almost a decade and it effectively positioned him as a mainstream Fabian who sought to stabilize capitalism before progressing socialism by essentially statist means. Influenced by J A Hobson and Maynard Keynes the imperative for Cole became the formulation of a strategy which would mitigate the suffering of the masses and lay the basis for socialist advance.

Socialism first gained a major foothold in Japan after the revolution and the subsequent Meiji restoration of 1868. Against the background of the rapid development of capitalism in Japan after the revolution, and the accompanying emergence of the working class, this study shows how early Japanese socialists drew on both Western influences and elements from traditional Japanese culture. In the early 1980s most of the world interested in Japan was fascinated by its educational system, industrial policy or low crime rates - things which explained the economic miracle and made it 'Number One'. John Crump, however, was searching for the origins of socialist thought there. Historians of the socialist movement before and since the 1980s have described the thought of those who figure in the dramas Crump describes. What sets his study apart is the degree to which the theoretical debates discussed matter to him. Other authors often lack sympathy with, or seem frustrated by, the importance given to apparently trivial differences that consumed endless debate. However, at the time he wrote this book, the author was still an activist, even though his activity manifested itself mainly in his scholarship. His aim was to do more than give an account of the formation of socialist thought in Japan. He wanted his readers to think more deeply about the development of capitalism in Japan. This book made an original contribution to the study of Japan in the 1980s. Its unique perspective shines a bright light on debates still relevant today.

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WHAT SHOULD THE LEFT AIM TO ACHIEVE TODAY? This book addresses the challenges facing socialists and the recent shift from protest to politics. It examines the limits and possibilities for class, party and state transformation and the democratic and socialist insurgencies inside the Labour Party in Britain, and the Democratic Party in the USA. One of the most unexpected aspects of politics today is the coming to the fore of socialists at leadership level in the British Labour Party and the US Democratic Party. Their class-focused political discourse is directed against the power of capitalists, corporations and banks - and against the state policies which reflect and sustain that power. This is more than mere left populism - the focus is on addressing the dynamics, structure, inequalities, and contradictions in capitalism, confronting ruling class privilege and power, and the systemic core of neoliberal globalization. There is a new will: to build the power, cohesion, and capacities of the working class; to struggle for broader and deeper reforms. New socialist movements know that they must offer systematic political education to realise their great potential, and to overcome the barriers that they face. The authors provide essential historical, theoretical and critical perspective. They stress the need for renewing working-class politics through new kinds of socialist parties.

Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) is one of the most important French social theoreticians of the nineteenth century. George Woodcock's book, first published in 1956, was the first full-scale biography of Proudhon in the English language.

Proudhon's influence on the French Socialist movement was immense and he played a great part in the First International and Paris Commune, in French syndicalism and in contemporary movements for currency reform.

Proudhon's significance also reaches forward into the contemporary era, when his massive distrust of the state and his teaching of the need for world federation took on a new importance in a world threatened by the explosive rivalries of giant nationalistic states.

This book, originally published in 1949 (but here re-issuing the second edition of 1966) presents a history of international socialism, not just from the political but also the economic standpoint.

Dr. Borkenau discusses the ideals of international socialism in the light of the realities of a world of strife and struggle. He maintains that socialist internationalism of the old type has little relation to the problems of the present. The world has become much more nationalist, and the labour movements of all countries have had to give in to the forces of nationalism. He is sceptical of the revival of liberal-democratic internationalism in the League, and the attempt to revive the League in the shape of a Federal Union. He believes however, that powerful forces are working in the direction of the growth of supernational units, and points to symptoms of an impending sudden collapse of nationalism which would enable Labour to put itself at the head of an Anglo-American peace similar to the Roman piece which for centuries gave quiet and prosperity to the world.