In this stimulating analysis, Hannes Gerhardt outlines the potentials and challenges of a technology-enabled, commons-focused transition out of capitalism. The book shows that openness and cooperation are more beneficial in today’s economies and societies than competition and profit-seeking. Driven by this conviction, Gerhardt identifies key imperatives for overcoming capitalism, from democratizing our digital, material, and financial economies to maintaining a robust, political mobilization. Using clear examples, he explores tactical openings through the lens of ‘compeerism’, a newly constructed framework that highlights the latent counter-capitalist possibilities, but also limits, of our emerging technological landscape. This is an accessible contribution to counter-capitalist discourse that is both inspiring and pragmatic for academics and activists alike.

This second volume covers the relationship between socialist currents and the national liberation movement from the 1940s through decades of increasing repression and illegality, culminating in the transition to armed struggle in the early 1960s.

The United States leads the world in incarceration, and the United Kingdom is persistently one of the European countries with the highest per capita rates of imprisonment. Yet despite its increasing visibility as a social issue, mass incarceration - and its inconsistency with core democratic ideals - rarely surfaces in contemporary Anglo-American political theory. Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration seeks to overcome this puzzling disconnect by deepening the dialogue between democratic theory and punishment policy. This collection of original essays initiates a multi-disciplinary discussion among philosophers, political theorists, and criminologists regarding ways in which contemporary democratic theory might begin to think beyond mass incarceration. Rather than viewing punishment as a natural reaction to crime and imprisonment as a sensible outgrowth of this reaction, the volume argues that crime and punishment are institutions that reveal unmet demands for public oversight and democratic influence. Chapters explore theoretical paths towards de-carceration and alternatives to prison, suggest ways in which democratic theory can strengthen recent reform movements, and offer creative alternatives to mass incarceration. Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration offers guideposts for critical thinking about incarceration, examining ways to rebuild crime control institutions and create a healthier, more just society.

These days, it is easy to be cynical about democracy. Even though there are more democratic societies now (119 and counting) than ever before, skeptics can point to low turnouts in national elections, the degree to which money corrupts the process, and the difficulties of mass participation in complex systems as just a few reasons the system is flawed. The Occupy movement in 2011 proved that there is an emphatic dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs, particularly with the economy, but, ultimately, it failed to produce any coherent vision for social change. So what should progressives be working toward? What should the economic vision be for the 21st century? After Occupy boldly argues that democracy should not just be a feature of political institutions, but of economic institutions as well. In fact, despite the importance of the economy in democratic societies, there is very little about it that is democratic. Questioning whether the lack of democracy in the economy might be unjust, Tom Malleson scrutinizes workplaces, the market, and financial and investment institutions to consider the pros and cons of democratizing each. He considers examples of successful efforts toward economic democracy enacted across the globe, from worker cooperatives in Spain to credit unions and participatory budgeting measures in Brazil and questions the feasibility of expanding each. The book offers the first comprehensive and radical vision for democracy in the economy, but it is far from utopian. Ultimately, After Occupy offers possibility, demonstrating in a remarkably tangible way that when political democracy evolves to include economic democracy, our societies will have a chance of meaningful equality for all.

Karl Marx has a unique position in the development of economic and social thought; no-one else has been subject to so much, and to such contradictory, interpretive behaviour. The publication of "Karl Marx's Economics: Critical Assessments" in 1987 brought together the range of critical material on Marx. It established a benchmark for Marx studies, and aims to serve as a resource for scholars. "Karl Marx's Economics: New Critical Assessments" completes the project of the earlier assessments by making available more than 100 additional titles. Primarily these are articles which have appeared since the earlier volumes were published, or which appeared as the earlier volumes were being compiled, and interest in Marx has raged throughout this period. Subjects addressed include traditional controversies in Marxian economics such as Marx's view on the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and the transformation problem, and newer controversies, for example, those relating to the re-interpretations of Marx by Piero Sraffa and by John Roemer.

During the years between the publication of the first of his two major works, "The Structure of Social Action "(1937), and the writing of his second, "The Social System "(1951), Talcott Parsons was primarily engaged in political activity through the Office of Strategic Services in its efforts to bring about the defeat of the Third Reich and to set the stage for a democratic reconstruction of postwar Germany. Beyond Parsons' analytic skills the essays reveal a dedicated liberal scholar, far removed from the stereotypes with which he came to be pilloried by later critics.
The essays in this collection are the by-products of that special period of intense commitment. They reflect a single dominant theme: National Socialist Germany is seen as a tragically flawed social system but one requiring the same rigorous analysis Parsons brought to more normal and normative systems. Since virulent authoritarianism and even more virulent anti-Semitism were the dominant traits of that system as he saw it, Parsons dedicated many pages to each aspect. While he did not know the full horror of the Nazi "war against the Jews" he was able to develop a theoretical framework that continues to be a foundation stone for the analysis of national socialism.
Gerhardt's editorial labors in the Parsons archive at Harvard have yielded nothing less than a "new book" by the foremost American sociological theorist of his time. This collection of both published and unpublished writings conveys Parsons' cohesive intent. To these otherwise fugitive and neglected essays Gerhardt contributes an introductory essay of her own: in part biography, in part intellectual and social history. She discovered Parsons work on National Socialism while studying his sociology of the professions and his use of medical practice to demonstrate how social science could become an antidote for fascism and authoritarianism.
"Uta Gerhardt" is director of the Medical Sociology Unit at Justus Liebig University, Giessen. She has taught sociology at the Free University of Berlin, the University of Konstanz, the University of California at Berkeley, the San Francisco Medical School, the University of London, and the University of Wisconsin at Madison. The present volume comes out of her sabbatical year as Research Affiliate of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, of Harvard University.

At a time when socialism appears to be on the wane, anthropological analyses of its origins and worldwide diffusion are long overdue. The aspirations of socialists have led to many dead-ends, and revolutionary claims must be carefully scrutinized against a background of cultural communities. Yet there are few, if any, peoples in today's world who remain unaffected by socialism, both as a political force and as a set of ideas, and no-one can doubt that its cultural legacies will make themselves felt in years to come, in the so-called First and Third worlds, as well as in its Eurasian heartlands. While anthropological work illuminates some of the mechanisms of the recent changes which have removed socialists from power in many countries it also reveals the factors which have given socialism such a profound worldwide impact, and which helped socialist societies to reproduce themselves effectively for so long. "Socialism" presents diverse examples of ideals and realities and offers detailed ethnographic accounts of specific groups such as rural cultivators in China and Tanzania, gypsies in Hungary, actors in Czechoslovakia, and village women in Poland and Industrial North-East England.

This study explores the meanings ascribed to sexual differences within early 19th century French socialism, and the implications of such definitions for women. Through a detailed examination of the theories of Charles Fourier, the Saint-Simonians and Flora Tristan, it illustrates how gender distinctions provided a tool of social criticism and an image of the idealized future. Love and sympathy were assigned as the qualities of the feminine, thus justifying women's social participation alongside men. Furthermore, these qualities gave the feminine a symbolic significance in the project of moral and social renewal, evoking the desired world of harmony and co-operation. Rather than rejecting the binary distinction between masculine and feminine which was gaining new importance in their society, therefore, socialists challenged the value it ascribed to each sex and the roles it legitimated. However, the accentuation of sex differences also circumscribed the possibilities for female liberty and self-definition in their own society, and in the ideal worlds they envisaged.

The British Labour Party has at times been a force for radical change in the UK, but one critical aspect of its makeup has been consistently misunderstood and underplayed: its Britishness. Throughout the party's history, its Britishness has been an integral part of how it has done politics, acted in government and opposition, and understood the UK and its nations and regions. The People's Flag and the Union Jack is the first comprehensive account of how Labour has tried to understand Britain and Britishness and to compete in a political landscape defined by conservative notions of nation, patriotism and tradition. At a time when many of the party faithful regard national identity as a toxic subject, academics Gerry Hassan and Eric Shaw argue that Labour's Britishness and its ambiguous relationship with issues of nationalism matter more today than ever before, and will continue to matter for the foreseeable future, when the UK is in fundamental crisis. As debate rages about Brexit, and the prospect of Scottish independence remains live, this timely intervention, featuring contributions from a wealth of pioneering thinkers, offers an illuminating and perceptive insight into Labour's past, present and future.

How true is it that National Socialism led to an ideologically distorted pseudo-science? What was the relationship between the regime funding 'useful' scientific projects and the scientists offering their expertise? And what happened to the German scientific community after 1945, especially to those who betrayed and denounced Jewish colleagues? In recent years, the history of the sciences in the Third Reich has become a field of growing importance, and the in-depth research of a new generation of German scholars provides us with new, important insights into the Nazi system and the complicated relationship between an elite and the dictatorship. This book portrays the attitudes of scientists facing National Socialism and war and uncovers the continuities and discontinuities of German science from the beginning of the twentieth century to the postwar period. It looks at ideas, especially the Humboldtian concept of the university; examines major disciplines such as eugenics, pathology, biochemistry and aeronautics, as well as technologies such as biotechnology and area planning; and it traces the careers of individual scientists as actors or victims.
The striking results of these investigations fill a considerable gap in our knowledge of the Third Reich but also of the postwar role of German scientists within Germany and abroad.

Questioning the primacy of class in socialist movements, this journal provides examples that debunk this myth, from the Yiddish-speaking subculture within the British Social Democratic Federation to the squatters' movements of the mid-20th century. Historians Meg Allen, Paul Burnham, and David M. Young, and the poet and biographer Charles Hobday, discuss social movements from the distant past connected to the legend of Robin Hood. Also featured is an exchange between Andy Croft and John Newsinger on the nature of George Orwell's socialism. An alternative selection of greatest Britons chosen by poets Benjamin Zephaniah and Adrian Mitchel, among others, is also provided.

Militarism is usually regarded as a phenomenon of the political right. It has traditionally been seen as alien - indeed, as antithetical - to the values and principles of the left. In Britain during the years before the Great War, however, the relationship between militarism and the politics of the left was a highly complex one. Militarism in pre-war British society was manifest in a variety of forms, from popular enthusiasm for war and martial values, to demands for greater provision to be made for the nation's defence, and even in calls for the militarization of society itself. The response of the political left to these challenges was ambivalent and contested. Whilst militaristic sentiment and practice did not always sit comfortably alongside progressive principles, an ideological space existed on the left in which militaristic ideas could take root. Indeed, militarism could take on ostensibly 'progressive' forms that proved particularly appealing to some elements on the left. Moving beyond the focus on pacifism and anti-militarism that has characterized much of the existing scholarship on this subject, this book explores the ways in which Liberals, socialists, and others on the left of British politics were able to accommodate aspects of militarism during the years before 1914. In doing so it offers an intriguing new perspective on the nature of militarism itself.

The perfect stocking filler, Secret Santa gift or conversation starter for Corbyn haters and lovers this Christmas! This is the man In His Own Words. This is Corbyn on Party Politics, Vision & Principles, Defiance, Leadership and World Affairs, plus a special chapter to capture all his Observations. And if The Little Book of Corbyn isn't enough, you can collect, compare and contrast the wisdom of Trump, Boris and Corbyn with the full set of in His Own Word titles. Use them to start a lively debate*, to induce a case of riotous laughter, to inspire or to keep you entertained on the loo. *Orange Hippo! publishing takes no responsibility for debates that get out of hand at the pub quiz, office Christmas party or anywhere else. Please read, think and debate responsibly.

This publication consists of 12 essays on the principal thinkers and schools of thought concerned with the political and historical development of the Labour Party and Labour movement. It is an examination of the major methodologies and approaches in Labour studies and a critical evaluation and appreciation of much of the most interesting scholarship in this area of study. The essays have been written by contributors who have devoted many years to the study of the Labour Party, the trade union movement and the various ideologies associated with them. and goes on to examine key periods in the development of the ideologies to which the party has subscribed. This includes the ideology on inter-war Labourism, the rival post-war perspectives on Labourism, the New Left, and the contentious alliance of unions with Labour. Key thinkers analysed include: Henry Pelling; Ross McKibbin; Ralph Miliband; Lewis Minkin; David Marquand; Perry Anderson; and Tom Nairn. Each chapter situates its subject matter in the context of a broader intellectual legacy, including the works of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Theodore Rothstein, Stuart Hall and Samuel Beer, among others. This book should be of interest to undergraduate students of British politics and political theory and to academics concerned with Labour politics and history, trade union history and politics, research methodology and political analysis.

Republicanism and the French Revolution provides a new interpretation of political thought and political economy in France from the death of Louis XVI to the July Revolution of 1830. The clash between modern republicanism and other theories of governing societies, typified by the antagonism between French and British intellectuals, is the background to a thorough reinterpretation of the life and writings of Jean-Baptiste Say, the most famous political economist of the post-revolutionary era.

From the publicity surrounding the publication of Eric Hobsbawm's memoirs to the posthumous expose of Christopher Hill, the links between communism and the universities in the 1930s that are still present today are explored in this book. In addition to an interview with Hobsbawm by David Howell, features include a summary of the reviews of his autobiography by John Callaghan and the publication for the first time of a different type of autobiographical document--the party biography that Hobsbawm compiled for the British communist party. Other Marxist historians of the same generation are featured including Dorothy Thompson, Victor Kiernan, and Christopher Hill. As well as the usual reviews section, focusing especially on political commitments made in the age of extremes, a discussion by David Renton of Paul Lafargue's classic text, "The Right To Be Lazy, is included.

"State and Society in Post-Socialist Economies" provides detailed examinations of a range of state-society relations in post-socialism. It examines ways that the state regulates or sets the parameters for regulating capitalist practices and the ways in which the state interacts with social groups focused on changing state policy. The cases cover the full range of post-socialist countries, from the Central European new members of the EU, to those in Eastern Europe, as well as a range of countries of the former Soviet Union, including a "progressive" country (Lithuania) and a "reform resister" (Belarus).

Part of a definitive English-language edition, prepared in collaboration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow, which contains all the works of Marx and Engels, whether published in their lifetimes or since. The series includes their complete correspondence and newly discovered works.

This book analyzes the interaction between nationalism, feminism, and socialism in Indonesia since the beginning of the 20th century until the New Order State of President Suharto. The focus is on the communist women's organization Gerwani, which was by 1965 the largest communist women's organization in the non-communist world. Gerwani members combined feminist demands such as a reform of the marriage law with an insistence upon a political role for women.

Against the historical backdrop of successive socialist and post-socialist claims to have completely remade society, the contributors to this volume explore the complex and often paradoxical continuities between diverse post-socialist presents and their corresponding socialist and pre-socialist pasts. The chapters focus on ways in which: pre-socialist economic, political, and cultural forms in fact endured an era of socialism and have found new life in the post-socialist present, notwithstanding revolutionary socialist claims; continuities with a pre-socialist past have been produced within the historical imaginary of post-socialism; and socialist economic, political, and cultural forms have in fact endured in a purportedly postsocialist era, despite the claims of neo-liberal reformers.

Harry G. West is Reader in Social Anthropology at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). His research in northern Mozambique has examined how colonialism, revolutionary socialism, and post-socialist political and economic liberalization have reconfigured institutions of local authority.

Parvathi Raman is a Lecturer in Social Anthropology at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). Her research in South Africa explores the historical impact of Indians in the South African Communist Party, and their contribution to the struggle against apartheid.

Capitalism and Socialism in Cuba documents the history of the attempts by a small island nation to survive and gain respectability within an everchanging international political economy. Professor Ruffin presents a detailed account of the social, political, and economic forces affecting Cuba's prospects for development under both capitalism and socialism. Part one of the study focuses on Cuba's historical association with capitalism and the relationship that Cuba established with the United States. Part two of the study delineates the nature of Cuba-Soviet relations and deals exclusively with the question of socialist dependency. Professor Ruffin's study is a systematic analysis of the internal (race and class formations) and external (capitalism and socialism) factors that have thus far shaped Cuban history.

Thomas Linehan offers a fresh perspective on late Victorian and Edwardian socialism by examining the socialist revival of these years from the standpoint of modernism. In so doing, he explores the modernist mission as extending beyond the concerns of the literary and artistic avant-garde to incorporate political and social movements.

In a time of great gloom and doom internationally and of major global problems, this book offers an invaluable contribution to our understanding of alternative societies that could be better for humans and the environment. Bringing together a wide range of approaches and new strands of economic and social thinking from across the US, Mexico, Latin America, Europe, Asia, Middle East and Africa, Luke Martell critically assesses contemporary alternatives and shows the ways forward with a convincing argument of pluralist socialism. Presenting a much-needed introduction to the debate on alternatives to capitalism, this ambitious book is not about how things are, but how they can be!

Toward the end of his administration (20102015), then Uruguayan President Jose Pepe' Mujica made headlines across the world with a couple of unusual speeches at United Nations assemblies in Rio de Janeiro and New York that were heatedly anti-capitalist, anti-consumerist, anti-globalisation and anti-climate change all fuelled by a libertarian socialist concept of freedom. This Sancho Panza-like figure was not only one of the few presidents of developing countries not to have somehow got personally rich while in government, but was known to live modestly as a practicing farmer and gave away two-thirds of his salary to his left-wing political organisation and to social housing projects. Even more bizarre was the fact that he had become president of the country whose government he had tried to overthrow forty years earlier in a revolutionary guerrilla war, an exploit for which he spent over a decade in military jails after being shot, severely wounded and tortured. This book is an introduction to the politics and philosophy of an unrepentant permanent militant whose evolution took him from defeated guerrilla warrior to successful presidential candidate without inconsistencies or betrayals, whatever his adversaries from right and left may claim. The study sets Mujica not only in his Uruguayan and Latin American context but also within an International Left that is coming out of mourning for the loss of so-called existing socialism as they search for solutions to lessen the damage done by rampant neoliberal economics and to find creative alternatives. Stephen Gregory's polemic is essential reading for all those interested in discovering Uruguay's unique position in a Latin America where the political right is in decline and leftist governments are moving to the middle ground.