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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Socialism & left-of-centre democratic ideologies
Toward the end of his administration (20102015), then Uruguayan President Jose Pepe' Mujica made headlines across the world with a couple of unusual speeches at United Nations assemblies in Rio de Janeiro and New York that were heatedly anti-capitalist, anti-consumerist, anti-globalisation and anti-climate change all fuelled by a libertarian socialist concept of freedom. This Sancho Panza-like figure was not only one of the few presidents of developing countries not to have somehow got personally rich while in government, but was known to live modestly as a practicing farmer and gave away two-thirds of his salary to his left-wing political organisation and to social housing projects. Even more bizarre was the fact that he had become president of the country whose government he had tried to overthrow forty years earlier in a revolutionary guerrilla war, an exploit for which he spent over a decade in military jails after being shot, severely wounded and tortured. This book is an introduction to the politics and philosophy of an unrepentant permanent militant whose evolution took him from defeated guerrilla warrior to successful presidential candidate without inconsistencies or betrayals, whatever his adversaries from right and left may claim. The study sets Mujica not only in his Uruguayan and Latin American context but also within an International Left that is coming out of mourning for the loss of so-called existing socialism as they search for solutions to lessen the damage done by rampant neoliberal economics and to find creative alternatives. Stephen Gregory's polemic is essential reading for all those interested in discovering Uruguay's unique position in a Latin America where the political right is in decline and leftist governments are moving to the middle ground.
This second volume covers the relationship between socialist currents and the national liberation movement from the 1940s through decades of increasing repression and illegality, culminating in the transition to armed struggle in the early 1960s.
The Socialist Calculation debate was one of the defining moments of 20th-century economics, opening fundamental questions about the market economy and the possibility of a non-market economy. Was a socialist economy really feasible? Advocates like Lange and Taylor clearly thought so, but their critics led by Mises and Hayek were implacable in their opposition. During the '30s and '40s the Socialists clearly appeared to have won the day: 50 years later, with the collapse of communism, a different consensus emerged. This set contains material which should provide an understanding of the debate itself, as well as giving a critical insight into the relative merits of capitalism, socialism, and the alternative market socialism.
Pilar Ortuño Anaya’s European Socialists and Spain breaks new ground in the study of the international dimensions of the Spanish transition to democracy. She argues that specific individuals and organizations made a significant contribution to the democratization process. Dr. Ortuño Anaya establishes for the first time the role played by European socialist and trade union organizations, in particular the German Social Democratic Party and its affiliated unions, the Labor movements in the UK, and the French Socialists.
This work examines three advanced Latin American republics with long records of democracy, political stability, and economic prosperity which degenerated into instability and military dictatorship--and issues a warning for other democratic peoples. Although not beset by overpopulation, serious racial diversity, or widespread illiteracy, in recent decades the people of Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile destroyed much of the good life and many of the freedoms they formerly enjoyed. Electing too few statesmen and too many politicians, they demanded more from their governments than they were willing to pay for. Rejecting sound economic policies, they engaged in unrealistic practices which led to exorbitant inflation. In contrast to traditional respect for individual freedoms, the military governments they brought in to solve their problems committed gross violations of human rights. The political and economic blunders and their unfortunate consequences should serve as a warnings to the citizens of all democracies.
A complex relationship exists between democratic politics and the management of the environment. Democracy and the Environment presents major new work on the challenges and dilemmas which environmental problems pose for the processes of democratic politics. The relationship between environmental values and goals and democratic theory and practice is explored through original essays by established scholars whose conclusions are then integrated by the editors into a concluding essay. This major book illustrates and analyses the many ways in which environmental problems pose difficulties for democratic decision-makers. Environmental problems impact across established regional and national boundaries, and involve complex social processes, intricate patterns of loss and gain, and time scales which do not synchronise with electoral political systems. The essays in Democracy and the Environment reflect critically upon the experience of democratic states, explore the contradiction between popular participation and environmental management, and consider the kind of reforms needed to enhance the capacity of democratic systems to handle environmental problems. Focusing on the democratic process and combining theoretical and empirical analysis with discussion of the pragmatic implications, the authors present constructive criticism and analysis which seeks to encourage more effective environmental decision making and the promotion of global sustainable development.
Che Guevara is an iconic figure, four decades after his death. Yet his most significant contribution is largely unknown--his work as a member of the Cuban government is rarely discussed. This book explores his impact on Cuba's economy, through fascinating new archival material and interviews.
F. D. Maurice was a leading nineteenth-century theologian famous
for founding the movement called Christian Socialism. In the first
major reassessment of Maurice's work for many years, Jeremy Morris
argues that his importance above all lay in his thinking about the
Christian Church, and about its social role. At a time when many
people feared the collapse of Christianity and of social order,
Maurice tried to show that Christians, despite their many
differences, had a responsibility to the whole of society. By
appreciating the source and strength of each other's convictions,
they could learn to work together to restore the authority of the
Christian faith. It was the Church of England's task in particular
to bring its message of hope to the poor as well as the rich.
Part of a definitive English-language edition, prepared in collaboration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow, which contains all the works of Marx and Engels, whether published in their lifetimes or since. The series includes their complete correspondence and newly discovered works.
Guild socialism has frequently been regarded as a cul-de-sac in social and economic thought. However, this work demonstrates its continued relevance. Focusing on the Douglas Social Credit movement, it examines the origin of the key ideas, gives an overview of the main theories, and discusses their subsequent history. Douglas is credited with being the author of a simple, ingenious but erroneous proposal to end depression in the inter-war years. The Social Credit Government which held power in Alberta during the middle decades of the century is equally remembered in association with Douglas. Although the Canadian party arose from an interpretation of the texts attrubuted to Douglas, its policies had little in common with the original texts. Historical documentation of the social credit phenomenon has focused almost exclusively on the Canadian experience. This work approaches the phenomenon from a different perspective. It explores the guild socialist origins of the texts and condenses the economic and social theory of the original texts.
Hodgskin's emphasis on people and labour is fundamental to the work of the Ricardian Socialists. The Ricardian Socialists were distinguished by their claim that workers had right to the full product of their labour, whereas the ruling classes, who contributed nothing to production, did not deserve their income of rent, profit and taxes. The writings of the Ricardian Socialists, especially Hodgskin, made a significant contribution ot the labour theory of value. Crucially, they were heralded by Marx for their ability to use Ricardian theory "as a weapon against bourgeois economy". This 7 volume set traces the intellectual development of this movement. The set includes a brief social, cultural and philosophical background, a re-examination of the impact of Ricardo on value The Ricardian Socialist treatment of ownership and property, and the "political philosophy" of the Ricardian Socialists.
Lentner analyzes four basic components in the formation of states: the capacity to govern, security and freedom of action, economic development strategy, and citizenship and political participation. He focuses on five Central American countries--Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. His conceptual guidelines apply to the worldwide strivings today for autonomy, unity, economic development, and democracy. His extensive research into original and little-known secondary sources from the independence of these states to the present both in the United States and Central America make this an unusually rich text for graduate students and scholars dealing with Latin American studies, Inter-American affairs, and U.S. foreign policy.
This is the first book-length analysis of the rise in power of the Bolivian party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) and its leader, President Evo Morales.
What is the meaning of revolution in the twenty-first century?One hundred years ago 'October 1917' was a unique event inspiring socialists and oppressed peoples and became an inevitable point of reference for 20th century politics. Today the left needs both come to terms with this legacy and to transcend it, through a critical reappraisal of its broad effects - positive and negative - on political, intellectual and cultural life, considering also new revolutions after 1917. The main point of the volume is to look forward. Nowadays, when reform as it was understood in the 20th century appears to be as impossible as revolution, it is necessary to rethink the relationship between capitalist crises and both revolution and reform. Change needs to be understood in relation to the distinct trajectories of radical politics in different regions. Contributors will consider, interrogate and explore many issues:* Alternatives to neoliberal capitalism: Socialist strategies - or detours? * The immense ecological challenge to revolutionary political strategy.* Reframing revolution amidst accelerated technological change.* What is the salience today of the concept of the revolutionary party?* Questioning agency - of the working class and other oppressed groups. * Socialist feminist perspectives on the meaning of revolution today. * Revolutionary vision, including its artistic expression in the 21st century.
WHAT SHOULD THE LEFT AIM TO ACHIEVE TODAY? This book addresses the challenges facing socialists and the recent shift from protest to politics. It examines the limits and possibilities for class, party and state transformation and the democratic and socialist insurgencies inside the Labour Party in Britain, and the Democratic Party in the USA. One of the most unexpected aspects of politics today is the coming to the fore of socialists at leadership level in the British Labour Party and the US Democratic Party. Their class-focused political discourse is directed against the power of capitalists, corporations and banks - and against the state policies which reflect and sustain that power. This is more than mere left populism - the focus is on addressing the dynamics, structure, inequalities, and contradictions in capitalism, confronting ruling class privilege and power, and the systemic core of neoliberal globalization. There is a new will: to build the power, cohesion, and capacities of the working class; to struggle for broader and deeper reforms. New socialist movements know that they must offer systematic political education to realise their great potential, and to overcome the barriers that they face. The authors provide essential historical, theoretical and critical perspective. They stress the need for renewing working-class politics through new kinds of socialist parties.
What are the forces at work in opposition to the American Empire? Are such forces, in the Islamic World and in Latin America, reactionary or progressive? What are the distinguishing features of neoliberalism today? What are its emerging contradictions? This volume surveys the key flashpoints of resistance today. The main arena of resistance to imperialism is the Middle East. Six essays explore the ambivalent nature of Islamic anti-imperialism, and the West's crucial role in making it so significant, as well as the different forms it takes as a political creed; and they provide particular insight into the relationship between religion and politics today in Iraq, Palestine and Turkey. Resistance to neoliberalism has been seen most clearly in the 'pink tide' in Latin America. Seven essays evaluate the potential - or lack of it - for a 21st century socialism across the region,
The United States leads the world in incarceration, and the United Kingdom is persistently one of the European countries with the highest per capita rates of imprisonment. Yet despite its increasing visibility as a social issue, mass incarceration - and its inconsistency with core democratic ideals - rarely surfaces in contemporary Anglo-American political theory. Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration seeks to overcome this puzzling disconnect by deepening the dialogue between democratic theory and punishment policy. This collection of original essays initiates a multi-disciplinary discussion among philosophers, political theorists, and criminologists regarding ways in which contemporary democratic theory might begin to think beyond mass incarceration. Rather than viewing punishment as a natural reaction to crime and imprisonment as a sensible outgrowth of this reaction, the volume argues that crime and punishment are institutions that reveal unmet demands for public oversight and democratic influence. Chapters explore theoretical paths towards de-carceration and alternatives to prison, suggest ways in which democratic theory can strengthen recent reform movements, and offer creative alternatives to mass incarceration. Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration offers guideposts for critical thinking about incarceration, examining ways to rebuild crime control institutions and create a healthier, more just society.
The 50th volume of the Socialist Register is dedicated to the theme of 'registering class' in light of the spread and deepening of capitalist social relations around the globe. Today's economic crisis has been deployed to extend the class struggle from above while many resistances have been explicitly cast in terms of class struggles from below. This volume addresses how capitalist classes are reorganizing as well as the structure and composition of working classes in the 21st century.
Karl Marx has a unique position in the development of economic and social thought; no-one else has been subject to so much, and to such contradictory, interpretive behaviour. The publication of "Karl Marx's Economics: Critical Assessments" in 1987 brought together the range of critical material on Marx. It established a benchmark for Marx studies, and aims to serve as a resource for scholars. "Karl Marx's Economics: New Critical Assessments" completes the project of the earlier assessments by making available more than 100 additional titles. Primarily these are articles which have appeared since the earlier volumes were published, or which appeared as the earlier volumes were being compiled, and interest in Marx has raged throughout this period. Subjects addressed include traditional controversies in Marxian economics such as Marx's view on the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and the transformation problem, and newer controversies, for example, those relating to the re-interpretations of Marx by Piero Sraffa and by John Roemer.
The British Labour Party has at times been a force for radical change in the UK, but one critical aspect of its makeup has been consistently misunderstood and underplayed: its Britishness. Throughout the party's history, its Britishness has been an integral part of how it has done politics, acted in government and opposition, and understood the UK and its nations and regions. The People's Flag and the Union Jack is the first comprehensive account of how Labour has tried to understand Britain and Britishness and to compete in a political landscape defined by conservative notions of nation, patriotism and tradition. At a time when many of the party faithful regard national identity as a toxic subject, academics Gerry Hassan and Eric Shaw argue that Labour's Britishness and its ambiguous relationship with issues of nationalism matter more today than ever before, and will continue to matter for the foreseeable future, when the UK is in fundamental crisis. As debate rages about Brexit, and the prospect of Scottish independence remains live, this timely intervention, featuring contributions from a wealth of pioneering thinkers, offers an illuminating and perceptive insight into Labour's past, present and future. |
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