Economic Sanctions are increasingly used as a legal, non-military technique of combating abusers of international peace. However it remains unclear how the success or failure of these sanctions is measured. This book examines the seldom-explored United Nations' economic sanctions deliberation process and exposes systematic problems in the measurement of the success or failure of these sanctions. Centering on the key concepts of "peace and security," the author brings the reader's attention to the discrepancies that exist in the process of decision-making, implementation, and evaluation of UN imposed economic sanctions. She engages international law and development methods to provide proof for the lack of consensus in measures of success and failure, which in turn suggests that sanction implementation on a uniform domestic front are unattainable. This thorough analysis concludes with suggestions for improving the sanctions process, only to clear the path for negating them as a whole and suggest alternative non-coercive measures for mitigating conflict situations and threats to peace and security.

The Charter of the United Nations was signed in 1945 by 51 countries representing all continents, paving the way for the creation of the United Nations on 24 October 1945. The Statute of the International Court of Justice forms part of the Charter. The aim of the Charter is to save humanity from war; to reaffirm human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person; to proclaim the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small; and to promote the prosperity of all humankind. The Charter is the foundation of international peace and security.

Before the UN could be created the idea of a global body dedicated to the preservation of peace had first to be imagined. The book traces the evolution of a complex web of ideas that emerged from the ancient world concerning the need for a governing body to control the actions of sovereign nations.

The son of a Baltimore fireman and the first person in his family to go to university, with scholarships to Yale College and Yale Law School, John Bolton candidly recounts his sixteen month tenure as US Ambassador to the United Nations, his Senate confirmation battle, and the highlights of his career in public service in two prior Republican administrations. In this explosive book, Bolton describes why practices such as the Oil for Food scandal, procurement fraud and sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers are explained away or ignored. He also details how he made sure that U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan did not run for a third term and that another 'secular Pope' did not succeed him and why no country except the United States has done much about ending the genocide in Darfur. With a no-holds barred approach, John Bolton provides a unique insight into the workings of this monolithic institution and America's place within it.

A case study of one of the most important global institutions of cultural policy formation, UNESCO and the Fate of the Literary demonstrates the relationship between such policymaking and transformations in the economy. Focusing on UNESCO's use of books, Sarah Brouillette identifies three phases in the agency's history and explores the literary and cultural programming of each. In the immediate postwar period, healthy economies made possible the funding of an infrastructure in support of a liberal cosmopolitanism and the spread of capitalist democracy. In the decolonizing 1960s and '70s, illiteracy and lack of access to literature were lamented as a "book hunger" in the developing world, and reading was touted as a universal humanizing value to argue for a more balanced communications industry and copyright regime. Most recently, literature has become instrumental in city and nation branding that drive tourism and the heritage industry. Today, the agency largely treats high literature as a commercially self-sustaining product for wealthy aging publics, and fundamental policy reform to address the uneven relations that characterize global intellectual property creation is off the table. UNESCO's literary programming is in this way highly suggestive. A trajectory that might appear to be one of triumphant success-literary tourism and festival programming can be quite lucrative for some people-is also, under a different light, a story of decline.

The emergence of The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) in 2005 was the culmination of a long and contentious process. In this work Rob Jenkins provides a concise introduction that traces the origins and evolution of peacebuilding as a concept, the creation and functioning of the PBC as an institution, and the complicated relationship between these two processes. Jenkins discusses how continued contestation over what exactly peacebuilding is, and how its objectives can most effectively be achieved, influenced the institutional design and de facto functioning of the PBC, its structure, mandate and origins. He then moves on to examine the peacebuilding architecture in action and analyses the role that the PBC has carved out for itself, reflecting on the future prospects for the organization. The theory and practice of peacebuilding has assumed increasing importance over the last decade, and this work is essential reading for all students of conflict resolution, peace studies and international relations.

In examining the nuts and bolts of former prime minister Stephen Harper's foreign policy universe between 2006 and 2015, Harper's World turns to key foreign policy experts to break down and evaluate Harper's international policies - from relations with China to his engagement with Canada's Arctic region. In explaining both the what and the why of Harper's foreign policy record, this book argues that the policy decisions of Harper's Conservative government were primarily shaped and motivated by domestic, regional, and, most importantly, electoral calculations. Bringing together Canada's leading foreign policy specialists, Harper's World identifies the push and pull factors of Harper's approach to various Canadian foreign policy issues. This collection offers original analyses, factual evidence, case studies, and supporting documentation to shed light on Harper's foreign policy orientation during his almost ten years in power.

Since emerging in 2006 from a ten-year Maoist insurgency, the 'People's War', Nepal has struggled with the difficult transition from war to peace, from autocracy to democracy, and from an exclusionary and centralized state to a more inclusive and federal one. The present volume, drawing on both international and Nepali scholars and leading practitioners, analyzes the context, dynamics and key players shaping Nepal's ongoing peace process. While the peace process is largely domestically driven, it has been accompanied by wide-ranging international involvement, including initiatives in peacemaking by NGOs, the United Nations and India, which, throughout the process, wielded considerable political influence; significant investments by international donors; and the deployment of a Security Council-mandated UN field mission. This book shines a light on the limits, opportunities and challenges of international efforts to assist Nepal in its quest for peace and stability and offers valuable lessons for similar endeavors elsewhere.

The Middle East has not, historically, been a first-order priority for Canadian foreign and defence policy. Most major Canadian decisions on the Middle East have come about through ad hoc decision-making rather than strategic necessity. Balancing international obligations with domestic goals, Canadian relations with this region try to find a balance between meeting alliance obligations and keeping domestic constituents content. Middle Power in the Middle East delves into some of Canada's key bilateral relations with the Middle East and explores the main themes in Canada's regional presence: arms sales, human rights, defence capacity-building, and mediation. Contributors analyse the key drivers of Canada's foreign and defence policies in the Middle East, including diplomatic relations with the United States, ideology, and domestic politics. Bringing together many of Canada's foremost experts on Canada-Middle East relations, this collection provides a fresh perspective that is particularly timely and important following the Arab uprisings.

The Asia-Pacific region is characterized not only by unprecedented economic growth, but also as being one of the last bastions of authoritarianism. As such, deep political tensions persist in the region, and many questions remain surrounding the uncertainty of the Asia-Pacific's geopolitical future. In The Politics of the Asia-Pacific, senior scholars, former diplomats, and emerging voices introduce readers to the complexities of the colonial history, economics, democratization, authoritarianism, governance, and security within the region. Written by a diverse group of contributors with unique expertise in the region, the book includes immersive active-learning sequences in the form of classroom simulations, including a Model United Nations emergency session involving North Korea, an ASEAN Summit, and a women's movement conference. These exciting simulations are grounded in real-world descriptions of the politics of the region and encourage students to learn through role-playing, research, public-speaking, and diplomatic negotiations with peers. Exploring the region's rapid economic growth and the great deal of politics that remain unsettled, The Politics of the Asia-Pacific shows why an education in global politics for the twenty-first century is incomplete without a consideration of this dynamic region.

The UNECE Real Estate Market Advisory Group (REM) is a group of real estate experts who advise the Committee on Urban Development, Housing and Land Management on sustainable real estate markets, working to identify specific measures to strengthen a country's real estate market in a manner that would contribute to economic growth and sustainable development. In 2010, the REM Advisory Group published the "Policy Framework for Sustainable Real Estate Markets", a tool that would help guide the member States to create sustainable real estate markets. However, the emergence of key international agreements, such as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Geneva UN Charter on Sustainable Housing, the New Urban Agenda, the Paris Agreement, and the Basel III Agreement, have led to the establishment of new global and regional policy frameworks for future activities on sustainable urban development at all levels. In response to the request of the Committee to update the Policy Framework to reflect the emergence of such key agreements, the REM Advisory Group produced the current publication, which now also includes updates on the issues such as urbanization, migration and mobility flows, technology and innovation, the growth of emerging markets and asset competition, the change in housing demand oriented towards green buildings and new designs, energy consumption and climate change, and other relevant phenomena. Moreover, this version of the Policy Framework for Sustainable Real Estate Markets maintains that, contrary to the widespread belief that finance and real estate sectors have negative impact on sustainability, they can actually contribute to the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals with the implementation of effective and compatible principles. In particular, this publication shows that these principles can be incorporated by national, local and municipal governments and applied to various forms of real estate.

During the Cold War, the U.S. built a series of alliances with Asian nations to erect a bulwark against the spread of communism and provide security to the region. Despite pressure to end bilateral alliances in the post-Cold War world, they persist to this day, even as new multilateral institutions have sprung up around them. The resulting architecture may aggravate rivalries as the U.S., China, and others compete for influence. However, Andrew Yeo demonstrates how Asia's complex array of bilateral and multilateral agreements may ultimately bring greater stability and order to a region fraught with underlying tensions. Asia's Regional Architecture transcends traditional international relations models. It investigates change and continuity in Asia through the lens of historical institutionalism. Refuting claims regarding the demise of the liberal international order, Yeo reveals how overlapping institutions can promote regional governance and reduce uncertainty in a global context. In addition to considering established institutions such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, he discusses newer regional arrangements including the East Asia Summit, Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the Belt and Road Initiative. This book has important implications for how policymakers think about institutional design and regionalism in Asia and beyond.

How is the United States able to control the IMF with only 17 per cent of the votes? How are the rules of the global economy made? This book shows how a combination of formal and informal rules explains how international organizations really work. Randall W. Stone argues that formal rules apply in ordinary times, while informal power allows leading states to exert control when the stakes are high. International organizations are therefore best understood as equilibrium outcomes that balance the power and interests of the leading state and the member countries. Presenting a new model of institutional design and comparing the IMF, WTO, and EU, Stone argues that institutional variations reflect the distribution of power and interests. He shows that US interests influence the size, terms, and enforcement of IMF programs, and new data, archival documents, and interviews reveal the shortcomings of IMF programs in Mexico, Russia, Korea, Indonesia, and Argentina.

Postwar multilateral cooperation is often viewed as an attempt to overcome the limitations of the nation-state system. However, in 1945, when the United Nations was founded, large parts of the world were still under imperial control. Building States investigates how the UN tried to manage the dissolution of European empires in the 1950s and 1960s-and helped transform the practice of international development and the meaning of state sovereignty in the process. Eva-Maria Muschik argues that the UN played a key role in the global proliferation and reinvention of the nation-state in the postwar era, as newly independent states came to rely on international assistance. Drawing on previously untapped primary sources, she traces how UN personnel-usually in close consultation with Western officials-sought to manage decolonization peacefully through international development assistance. Examining initiatives in Libya, Somaliland, Bolivia, the Congo, and New York, Muschik shows how the UN pioneered a new understanding and practice of state building, presented as a technical challenge for international experts rather than a political process. UN officials increasingly took on public-policy functions, despite the organization's mandate not to interfere in the domestic affairs of its member states. These initiatives, Muschik suggests, had lasting effects on international development practice, peacekeeping, and post-conflict territorial administration. Casting new light on how international organizations became major players in the governance of developing countries, Building States has significant implications for the histories of decolonization, the Cold War, and international development.

In accordance with Article 102 of the Charter and the relevant General Assembly Resolutions, every treaty and international agreement registered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat since 1946 is published in the United Nations Treaty Series. At present, the collection includes about 30,000 treaties reproduced in their authentic languages, together with translations into English and French, as necessary. The Treaty Series, where treaties are published in the chronological order of registration, also provides details about their subsequent history (i.e., participation in a treaty, reservations, amendments, termination, etc.). Comprehensive Indices covering 50-volume-lots are published separately. A Standing Order service is available for the Series and out-of-print volumes are available on microfiche.

The world has vowed "Never again" in memory of the 800,000 Rwandans and other groups slaughtered by g?nocidaires. Yet, ever since the Holocaust, the international community has repeatedly betrayed its pledge, most notably in 1994 with regard to the Rwandan Tutsi, and again ten years later in Darfur.

This book examines how the UN failed to prevent or halt the Rwandan genocide: the most efficient mass killing in history. It offers a new explanation, focussing on the structure of the UN and four mechanisms which were pertinent to UN conflict management at that time: early warning; bureaucratic rationalisation; organisational learning; and Western normalisation. The author sees the Rwandan case as a ?child of its time?, or a focal point in which the dysfunctions of the ailing conflict management mechanisms of the 1990s combined with devastating consequences. The book proceeds to examine the transformation of these mechanisms from Rwanda to Darfur - a development which is regarded as indicative of a wider tendency ? or direction ? in UN conflict management over the past ten years and in the foreseeable future.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of political science, international relations, ethnic politics, international organizations and conflict studies.

Iraq has dominated international headlines in recent years, but its controversial role in international affairs goes back much further. The key arena for these power politics over Iraq has been the United Nations Security Council. Spanning the last quarter century,The International Struggle over Iraq examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq's impact on the Security Council. The story is a fascinating one. Beginning in 1980, in the crucible of the Iran-Iraq War, the Council found a common voice as a peacemaker after the divisions of the cold war. That peacemaking role was cemented when a UN-mandated force expelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991, offering a glimpse of a new role for the UN in the 'New World Order'. But unilateralism soon set in, as the Security Council struggled under the weight and bureaucratic demands of its changing identity. The Security Council gradually abandoned its traditional political and military tools for the legal-regulatory approach, but was unable to bridge the gap between those who believed allegations of Iraqi possession of weapons of mass destruction and those who didn't. Growing paralysis led eventually to deadlock in the Council in 2002, with the result that it was sidelined during the 2003 Coalition invasion. This relegation, when combined with the loss of some of its best and brightest in a massive truck bomb in Iraq later that year, precipitated a deep crisis of confidence. The future role of the UN Security Council has now, once again, become uncertain. The paperback edition contains a substantial new preface covering recent developments. Drawing on the author's unparalleled access to UN insiders, this volume offers radical new insights into one of the most persistent crises in international affairs, and the different roles the world's central peace-making forum has played in it.

The fourth edition of this market-leading textbook offers students a clear framework for understanding the practice and logic of International Organizations Law. It is structured around the three defining relationships IOs engage in - namely, with their member states, with their organs and staff, and with the outside world. These different dynamics give rise to different concerns, which each help to explain the logic behind international institutional law. The text also discusses the essential topics of the law of IOs, including powers and finances, privileges and immunities, institutional structures, and accountability. By demonstrating how the theory works in practice, with recent examples, students will observe the impact and significance of International Organizations Law. Updated with the latest case law and literature, this new edition also contains discussions of the withdrawal of Israel and the US from UNESCO, Brexit, and the Covid-19 pandemic, and how these affect the law of international organizations.

After years of paralysis, the 1990s saw an explosion in the number of United Nations field operations around the world. In terms of scope and level of ambition, these interventions went beyond the tried and tested principles of classical UN peacekeeping. Indeed, in some cases - such as Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the form of quasi-protectorates designed to steer war-torn and deeply divided societies towards lasting peace. This book examines the UN's performance and assesses the wider impact of 'new interventionism' on international order and the study of international relations. Featuring eight case studies of major UN interventions and an introductory chapter outlining the most important theoretical and political features of the international system which have led to the increased interventionary practices of the UN, this book will appeal to students and researchers in international relations and international organizations.

Broad Economic Categories (BEC) aims to analyse international trade statistics by large economic classes of goods and services, based on the main outputs of corresponding industries, to facilitate broad analyses of trade and production. It can also be used to identify end-use dimensions (intermediate consumption, gross fixed capital formation, final consumption). It provides a new top level of broad economic categories, based on the main outputs of corresponding industries, to facilitate broad analyses of trade and production and It adds services and therefore refers to products rather than goods. It also identifies end-use as a separate dimension.

In this thoughtful, balanced biography, former "Los Angeles Times" foreign and diplomatic correspondent Stanley Meisler traces Kofi Annan's unconventional rise from optimistic student to striving personnel and budget specialist in the United Nations bureaucracy to full-time manager of the world's crises. The book presents a unique portrait of this widely admired leader, with Annan's own view of events tempered and augmented by those of his allies and opponents, defenders and detractors.

Civil society participants have voiced concerns that the environmental problems that were the subject of multilateral environmental agreements negotiated during the 1992 Rio processes are not serving to ameliorate global environmental problems. These concerns raise significant questions regarding the utility of negotiating agreements through the UN. This book elucidates the complexity of how participants engage in these negotiations through the various processes that take place under the auspices of the UN-primarily those related to climate and biological diversity. By taking an ethnographic approach and providing concrete examples of how it is that civil society participants engage in making policy, this book develops a robust sense of the implications of the current terrain of policy-making-both for the environment, and for the continued participation of non-state actors in multilateral environmental governance. Using data gathered at actual negotiations, the book develops concepts such as participation and governance beyond theory. The research uses participant observation ethnographic methods to tie the theoretical frameworks to people's actual activities as policy is generated and contested. Whereas topics associated with global environmental governance are traditionally addressed in fields such as international relations and political science, this book contributes to developing a richer understanding of the theories using a sociological framework, tying individual activities into larger social relations and shedding light on critical questions associated with transnational civil society and global politics.

This book is a unique guide to making the world a better place. Experts apply a critical eye to the United Nations' Sustainable Development agenda, also known as the Global Goals, which will affect the flow of $2.5 trillion of development aid up until 2030. Renowned economists, led by Bjorn Lomborg, determine what pursuing different targets will cost and achieve in social, environmental and economic benefits. There are 169 targets, covering every area of international development - from health to education, sanitation to conflict. Together, these analyses make the case for prioritizing the most effective development investments. A panel of Nobel Laureate economists identify a set of 19 phenomenal development targets, and argue that this would achieve as much as quadrupling the global aid budget.

Defending Europe seeks to clarify the competing ambitions, the contrasting visions and the trans-Atlantic tensions related to the recent quest by Europe for autonomy in the sphere of security and defense. Scholars from both sides of the Atlantic explore the development of ESDI within NATO, the revival of the WEU and the launch of the EU's Common European Security and Defense Policy. Among the issues discussed are the Euro-American capabilities gap, concerns regarding decoupling, discrimination, and duplication, and the complications posed by NATO/EU enlargement. Two contrary conclusions debate whether ESDP is more likely to strengthen or undermine the Atlantic Alliance. This informative foray into trans-Atlantic security and defense issues is a crucial addition to the ongoing dialogue concerning this shifting and evolving relationship.

Many have proclaimed the fundamentals of global security were altered by the September 11 terrorist attacks. Do these changes undercut or enhance the role of the United Nations? What do events like the role of the UN in the crisis over Iraq tell us? Here top scholars examine the role of the UN in preventing international and civil violence, arms control, deterring and reversing aggression, and addressing humanitarian crises. The chapters are concise while providing depth of understanding of the issues, positions and problems facing the United Nations and its member states in grappling with increased opportunities and threats. Their lively presentations of the drama of UN debates establish the contributions and shortcomings of global multilateralism in an era of U.S. hegemony and unilateralism. University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada KATHRYN FURLONG PhD student at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada in the Department of Political Science and a Research Associate with the International Peace Research Institutes (Oslo) Conditions of War and Peace Program FEN OSLER HAMPSON Professor and Director of the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada BRIAN L. JOB Professor of Political Science and Director of the Centre of International Relations at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada ASIF R. KHAN Has been working for the United Nations since 1995. He is currently Political Affairs Officer in the Africa Division of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations at United Nations Headquarters, New York, USA McCalla research Professor at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada KEITH KRAUSE Professor at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland JOANNE LEE Australian lawyer and is currently in a PhD programme, Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada GIL LOESCHER Senior Fellow for Forced Displacement and International Security at The International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, UK and Research Associate at Queen Elizabeth House, Oxford University, UK EDWARD C. LUCK is Director of the Center on International Organization and Professor of Practice in International and Public Affairs at Columbia University, New York, USA ANDREW MACK Director of the Human Security Center at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada ALLEN G. SENS Senior Ins MARKET 1: Politics; International Relations; National Security; Terrorism