In 1999, after 24-years of violent military occupation by Indonesian forces, the small country of Timor-Leste became host to one of the largest UN peace operations. The operation rested on a liberal paradigm of statehood, including nascent ideas on gender in peacebuilding processes. This book provides a critical feminist examination of the form and function of a gendered peace in Timor-Leste. Drawing on policy documents and field research in Timor-Leste with national organisations, international agencies and UN staff, the book examines gender policy with a feminist lens, exploring and developing a more complex account of 'gender' and 'women' in peace operations. It argues that gendered ideologies and power delimit the possibilities of building a gender-just peace, and contributes deep insight into how gendered logics inform peacebuilding processes, and specifically how these play out through the implementation of policy that explicitly seeks to reorder gender relations at sites in which peace operations deploy. By utilising a single case study, the book provides space to examine both international and national discourses, and contextualises its analysis of Women, Peace and Security within local histories and contexts. This book will be of interested to scholars and students of gender studies, global governance, International Relations, and security studies.

This book represents an unusual intervention in debates about the nature of contemporary international development, where the majority of scholarship tends to concern itself with measuring or collating goal performance. Through a series of analyses of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, this book explores development as a political construct, and is concerned with the kinds of epistemological, hegemonic, or politico-economic assumptions built into contemporary development policy, and the ensuing effectiveness the SDGs will have in terms of addressing or perpetuating the historical impoverishment of large groups of people living in poverty. The contributors to the book take issue with many of the assumptions upon which SDGs rest, while also broadening the conversation to pay attention to knowledge production, modernity, colonialism, exclusion, citizenship, and other conceptual insights. In this context, the book raises questions about the discourses and practices of the SDGs, especially in relation to how they can: define the limits of what can be said and what can be done; shape development logics through notions of division and forms of exclusion; construct political problems as technical problems; create certain spaces of imagination as a field of activity; and endorse particular ideas and forms of knowledge in models for sustainable development. This book was originally published as a special issue of Globalizations.

This book examines the role of the international community in the handover of the Dutch colony of West Papua/Irian Jaya to Indonesia in the 1960s and questions whether or not the West Papuan people ever genuinely exercised the right to self-determination guaranteed to them in the UN-brokered Dutch/Indonesian agreement of 1962. Indonesian, Dutch, US, Soviet, Australian and British involvement is discussed, but particular emphasis is given to the central part played by the United Nations in the implementation of this agreement. As guarantor, the UN temporarily took over the territory's administration from the Dutch before transferring control to Indonesia in 1963. After five years of Indonesian rule, a UN team returned to West Papua to monitor and endorse a controversial act of self-determination that resulted in a unanimous vote by 1022 Papuan 'representatives' to reject independence. Despite this, the issue is still very much alive today as a crisis-hit Indonesia faces continued armed rebellion and growing calls for freedom in West Papua.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203221877

As the United Nations moves beyond its fiftieth anniversary into the millennium, it is faced with a new global system fraught with political and economic tensions that can no longer be handled with models that defined the organisation when it was founded in 1945.

An innovative vision for a reconstruction of the United Nations, this book offers an insiders look at how the UN can respond more effectively to the challenges of the future in an age of globalization. Guido de Marco and Michael Bartolo, seasoned veterans of the United Nations, provide valuable policy recommendations involving a combination of political will, relevance, and efficiency in the coming years. Analysing the roles of major UN functions such as the General Assembly, the Trusteeship Council, the Security Council, and the Secretariat, de Marco and Bartolo call for decentralisation of the UN's activities and for building stronger relationships with established regional institutions and with Bretton Woods institutions. The proposals made here open up an important area of discussion as international policymakers seek peace and stability in the post-Cold War world.

This timely book considers the topical issue of the enlargement processes of the European Union and NATO. The contributors examine issues including: the dual enlargement process and German and Russian relationships with it; NATO and the pan-European security agenda; East European reactions to enlargement; and concepts of security in the new Europe. This book provides a cohesive overview of the pan-European security debate and is an essential resource for students and academics interested in the development of the European Union.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203469380

Conflict resolution and peacekeeping are not only closely related conceptually, they were also "inventions" of the same historical period. Peacekeeping was first defined under the Hammarskjold Principles of 1956, while we can date the formal institutionalization of conflict resolution to the founding of the "Journal of Conflict Resolution" in 1957. However, it is in the 1990s that conflict resolution theorists turned to the perspectives of conflict theory in an effort to develop more effective practices of peacekeeping. This book is about the ways in which conflict resolution theory has become relevant to the various challenges faced by the United Nations peacekeeping forces as efforts are made to learn from the traumatic and devastating impact of the many civil wars that have erupted in the 1990s.

Conflict resolution and peacekeeping are not only closely related conceptually, they were also "inventions" of the same historical period. Peacekeeping was first defined under the Hammarskjold Principles of 1956, while we can date the formal institutionalization of conflict resolution to the founding of the "Journal of Conflict Resolution" in 1957. However, it is in the 1990s that conflict resolution theorists turned to the perspectives of conflict theory in an effort to develop more effective practices of peacekeeping. This book is about the ways in which conflict resolution theory has become relevant to the various challenges faced by the United Nations peacekeeping forces as efforts are made to learn from the traumatic and devastating impact of the many civil wars that have erupted in the 1990s.

Are international courts effective tools for international governance? Do they fulfill the expectations that led to their creation and empowerment? Why do some courts appear to be more effective than others, and do so such appearances reflect reality? Could their results have been produced by other mechanisms? This book evaluates the effectiveness of international courts and tribunals by comparing their stated goals to the actual outcomes they achieve. Using a theoretical model borrowed from social science, the book assesses their effectiveness by analysing key empirical data. Its first part is dedicated to theory and methodology, laying out the effectiveness model, explaining its different components, its promise and limits, and discussing the measurement challenges it faces. The second part analyses the role that indicators such as jurisdiction, judicial independence, legitimacy, and compliance play in achieving effectiveness. Part three applies the effectiveness model to the International Court of Justice, the WTO dispute settlement mechanisms (panels and Appellate Body), the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia, the European Court of Human Rights, and the European Court of Justice, reflecting the diversity of the field of international adjudication. Given the recent proliferation of international courts and tribunals, this book makes an important contribution towards understanding and measuring the value that these institutions provide.

In accordance with Article 102 of the Charter and the relevant General Assembly Resolutions, every treaty and international agreement registered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat since 1946 is published in the United Nations Treaty Series. At present, the collection includes about 30,000 treaties reproduced in their authentic languages, together with translations into English and French, as necessary.

Explores how much and what the World Bank and the United Nations can really be expected to achieve. The text begins with a detailed account of the evolution of the two organizations as multilateral development institutions and then focuses on the functions that the World Bank and the UN carry out, and the governing structures that underlie their activities. The authors then go on to question what need there is for these two multilateral institutions in the next century and which tasks they can undertake in promoting world development. Both the United Nations (UN) and the World Bank have repeatedly proclaimed their solemn ambitions to improve the lot of humankind. Dinosaurs or Dynamos? explores how much, and what, they can really be expected to do. Both have extended their functions far beyond their original mandates, while their decision-making structures have remained basically unaltered despite recent adaptations on the part of the World Bank. Such expansions have created serious strains on both organizations. The UN has ambitions to perform tasks, such as the search for 'good governance' and 'sustainable development', for which it is ill equipped. The World Bank has taken on normative functions - 'the premier development institution' - that are incompatible with its traditional structures. The authors ask, what need is there for these two multilateral development institutions in the next century? Which tasks in promoting world development can they undertake that others cannot? To whom are these institutions politically accountable, who sets their agendas and are they credible given financial constraints? Dinosaurs or Dynamos? is an essential guide for those working within the international community, non-governmental organizations, governments and students of development, economics, politics and international relations.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.

Addressing the problem of reconciling China's voting record in the UN on human rights and repressive policy at home, this book argues that domestic factors determine the way the Chinese government acts on wider human rights issues. China has a very active voting record in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on human rights resolutions and is active internationally on such rights, something at odds with its increasing repression of human rights at home. Using rational choice's emphasis on actors acting to advance their preferences, the author argues that it is the perceived domestic threat to the rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) that determines the way the Chinese government acts on the human rights issues explored in this book. The author documents the pattern of this relationship through an in-depth examination of China's voting in the UNGA on human rights issues, and statements made by Chinese delegates in the UN on human rights issues. This book will appeal to students of China, human rights, international relations, and international organizations, and for both state and non-state actors seeking to advance policy changes regarding China and human rights. In addition, the findings have policy implications for INGOs and states seeking to influence China's policies.

What do the Japanese really want their diplomacy to achieve for them? Are they content to be subordinate partners in alliance with the US? What is behind all of their disputes about the nature of their 'international contribution'? What do they mean by a 'UN-centred foreign policy'? Why is the miserably traduced Article 9 of the "Peace Constitution" such a central symbol in contemporary politics? Ronal Dore gives his answers to these questions in what was originally a contribution to Japanese debate, first written in Japanese and now supplemented in this English edition by comments from a number of leading Japanese thinkers. Japan, Internationalism and the UN provides a unique insight into Japan's foreign policy and its related domestic politics. It is the product of nearly half a century of study and discussion with the Japanese themselves about their place in the world.

Japan, Internationalism and the UN provides a unique insight into Japan's foreign policy and its related domestic politics. It is the product of a wealth of study and discussion with the Japanese themselves about their place in the world.

The European Agreement concerning the International Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Road (ADR) is intended to increase the safety of international transport of dangerous goods by road. Regularly amended and updated since its entry into force, it contains the conditions under which dangerous goods may be carried internationally. This version has been prepared on the basis of amendments applicable as from 1 January 2019.

This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.

This book integrates peace operations into the paradigm first articulated in Uncomfortable Wars, edited by Max Manwaring. It not only addresses social science theory of conflict and conflict resolution but it links that theory to military doctrine by way of a series of nine case studies which range from traditional peacekeeping to peace enforcement. The book brings together a group of authors who all combine practical experience with academic insight. With three Canadian peacekeepers among its authors, the book is not limited to the American point of view. Their insights, nonetheless, reinforce the theory as well as expand upon it.

This volume focuses on the issue of development within the UN peace mission. It examines a number of critical issues relating to the interface between development, relief and peacekeeping, including institutional coordination, the implementation of development in the field, and the contending philosophies that sometimes underpin military and developmental approaches to human security. Not least, it poses the question of how sustainable development fits within the post-conflict space of UN peace missions.

First Published in 1997. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

The Asia-Pacific region is characterized not only by unprecedented economic growth, but also as being one of the last bastions of authoritarianism. As such, deep political tensions persist in the region, and many questions remain surrounding the uncertainty of the Asia-Pacific's geopolitical future. In The Politics of the Asia-Pacific, senior scholars, former diplomats, and emerging voices introduce readers to the complexities of the colonial history, economics, democratization, authoritarianism, governance, and security within the region. Written by a diverse group of contributors with unique expertise in the region, the book includes immersive active-learning sequences in the form of classroom simulations, including a Model United Nations emergency session involving North Korea, an ASEAN Summit, and a women's movement conference. These exciting simulations are grounded in real-world descriptions of the politics of the region and encourage students to learn through role-playing, research, public-speaking, and diplomatic negotiations with peers. Exploring the region's rapid economic growth and the great deal of politics that remain unsettled, The Politics of the Asia-Pacific shows why an education in global politics for the twenty-first century is incomplete without a consideration of this dynamic region.

In accordance with Article 102 of the Charter and the relevant General Assembly Resolutions, every treaty and international agreement registered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat since 1946 is published in the United Nations Treaty Series. At present, the collection includes about 30,000 treaties reproduced in their authentic languages, together with translations into English and French, as necessary.

Describes and analyses the propaganda and violence of the four Cambodian parties to the 1991 Paris peace agreements. This volume explores Cambodia during the UNTAC period and sets the events within the larger context of Khmer politics, history and culture.

This text is an examination of the role of the UN in the major political crises of the postwar world - from Korea to the Gulf War and Yugoslavia. It is intended for use as a textbook for undergraduate courses in international relations and international and diplomatic history, post-1945 world history and special and optional courses on the United Nations.

Describes and analyses the propaganda and violence of the four Cambodian parties to the 1991 Paris peace agreements. This volume explores Cambodia during the UNTAC period and sets the events within the larger context of Khmer politics, history and culture.