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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Other warfare & defence issues > War crimes
As communities struggle to make sense of mass atrocities,
expectations have increasingly been placed on international
criminal courts to render authoritative historical accounts of
episodes of mass violence. Taking these expectations as its point
of departure, this book seeks to understand international criminal
courts through the prism of their historical function. The book
critically examines how such courts confront the past by
constructing historical narratives concerning both the culpability
of the accused on trial and the broader mass atrocity contexts in
which they are alleged to have participated. The book argues that
international criminal courts are host to struggles for historical
justice, discursive contests between different actors vying for
judicial acknowledgement of their interpretations of the past. By
examining these struggles within different institutional settings,
the book uncovers the legitimating qualities of international
criminal judgments. In particular, it illuminates what tends to be
foregrounded and included within, as well as marginalised and
excluded from, the narratives of international criminal courts in
practice. What emerges from this account is a sense of the
significance of thinking about the emancipatory limits and
possibilities of international criminal courts in terms of the
historical narratives that are constructed and contested within and
beyond the courtroom.
Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan,
Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between
predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of
racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential
to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South
Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war
in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka
ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new
state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka
civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region
between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's
Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory
wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement
and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement
eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After
that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and
predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in
2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security
landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to
the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the
recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all
non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three
campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and
concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka
target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of
group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a
genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern
genocides. Thanks to generous funding from TOME, the ebook editions
of this book are available as Open Access volumes from Cornell Open
(cornellpress.cornell.edu/cornell-open) and other repositories.
Listen to a short interview with James Dawes Host: Chris Gondek ]
Producer: Heron & Crane
After the worst thing in the world happens, then what? What is
left to the survivors, the witnesses, those who tried to help? What
can we do to prevent more atrocities from happening in the future,
and to stop the ones that are happening right now? "That the World
May Know" tells the powerful and moving story of the successes and
failures of the modern human rights movement. Drawing on firsthand
accounts from fieldworkers around the world, the book gives a
painfully clear picture of the human cost of confronting inhumanity
in our day.
There is no dearth of such stories to tell, and James Dawes
begins with those that emerged from the Rwandan genocide. Who, he
asks, has the right to speak for the survivors and the dead, and
how far does that right go? How are these stories used, and what
does this tell us about our collective moral future? His inquiry
takes us to a range of crises met by a broad array of human rights
and humanitarian organizations. Here we see from inside the
terrible stresses of human rights work, along with its curious
seductions, and the myriad paradoxes and quandaries it
presents.
With pathos, compassion, and a rare literary grace, this book
interweaves personal stories, intellectual and political questions,
art and aesthetics, and actual "news" to give us a compelling
picture of humanity at its conflicted best, face-to-face with
humanity at its worst.
From the 'show' trials of the 1920s and 1930s to the London
Conference, this book examines the Soviet role in the Nuremberg IMT
trial through the prism of the ideas and practices of earlier
Soviet legal history, detailing the evolution of Stalin's ideas
about the trail of Nazi war criminals. Stalin believed that an
international trial for Nazi war criminals was the best way to show
the world the sacrifices his country had made to defeat Hitler, and
he, together with his legal mouthpiece Andrei Vyshinsky, maintained
tight control over Soviet representatives during talks leading up
to the creation of the Nuremberg IMT trial in 1945, and the trial
itself. But Soviet prosecutors at Nuremberg were unable to deal
comfortably with the complexities of an open, western-style legal
proceeding, which undercut their effectiveness throughout the
trial. However, they were able to present a significant body of
evidence that underscored the brutal nature of Hitler's racial war
in Russia from 1941-45, a theme which became central to Stalin's
efforts to redefine international criminal law after the war.
Stalin's Soviet Justice provides a nuanced analysis of the Soviet
justice system at a crucial turning point in European history and
it will be vital reading for scholars and advanced students of the
legal history of the Soviet Union, the history of war crimes and
the aftermath of the Second World War.
On April 25th 1915, during the First World War, the famous Anzacs
landed ashore at Gallipoli. At the exact same moment, leading
figures of Armenian life in the Ottoman Empire were being arrested
in vast numbers. That dark day marks the simultaneous birth of a
national story - and the beginning of a genocide. When We Dead
Awaken - the first narrative history of the Armenian Genocide in
decades - draws these two landmark historical events together.
James Robins explores the accounts of Anzac Prisoners of War who
witnessed the genocide, the experiences of soldiers who risked
their lives to defend refugees, and Australia and New Zealand's
participation in the enormous post-war Armenian relief movement. By
exploring the vital political implications of this unexplored
history, When We Dead Awaken questions the national folklore of
Australia, New Zealand, and Turkey - and the mythology of Anzac Day
itself.
On Australia Day 1990, a 73-year-old man was plucked from the
Adelaide suburbs and accused of helping massacre nearly 900 men,
women and children in Nazi-occupied Ukraine. David Bevan describes
the legal maneuverings that followed in a compelling work of
courtroom drama.
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