This is a challenging and an important book, distinctly
controversial and sure to be labelled as "subversive" by the vocal
members of such organizations as the National Association of
Manufacturers. For here is the murky side of the "managerial
revolution". The author shows how "within Germany, Italy, Japan,
France these bodies (like the N A M) made the critical decision
without which the final destruction of democracy could not have
taken place". The historical background of "peak organizations" in
the totalitarian countries and in those still under a liberal
capitalistic system; the peculiarities of the national
institutions, - social, political, functional, in membership
structure, in policies - all carefully analyzed and in final
analysis showing a dangerous parallel, whether under the Nazi or
Fascist system, under Japan's co-prosperity sphere, Vichy's new
order, Britain's "feudalistic system of cartel controls" or
America's "self-regimentation of business". A book that should be
studied and discussed - but that is unlikely, because of its
somewhat heavy-handed style, to reach a wide market. (Kirkus
Reviews)
Business as a System of Power was the direct product of
extensive and continuing study of the rise of bureaucratic
centralism. The project was begun in 1934, and resulted a decade
later in this volume, arguably the most important work in
comparative and historical economics to emerge in the World War Two
period. Indeed, Brady's theorems such as the bureaucratic
authoritarian model of development, became a touchstone for the
study of Third World economies. Brady saw the direction of business
moving in a variety of directions: from the totalitarian model set
by fascism with its highly centralized approach to special
interests, profit making and policy made in the interests of those
who rule; and the alternative democratic model set by the
democracies of the West, which expound the latitude of direct
public participation in decision-making and social organization of
the economy as a whole. Brady does not indulge in cheap conspiracy
theory. Rather he sees the business classes worldwide as possessing
a collective mind, but not a collective will. In this setting the
business civilization itself is at stake. The volume offers a
fascinating study of German Nazism, Italian fascism and Japanese
militarism as a series of policies rather than historical
inevitabilities. But the work is also a foreboding and a warning to
democratic varieties of capitalism. As business becomes
increasingly global in character, unbound by national interests or
democratic aims, it also becomes more rational in its own terms.
Its drive for maximizing profits with scant regard to what may be
less cost effective, but more open to popular control or
participation, becomes transparent. Brady provides a remarkably
prescient, albeit controversial, study of trends in Western
democracy and big business. Robert S. Lynd, in his Preface, writes,
"Brady cuts through to the central problem disrupting our worldaa
world-wide counter-revolution against democracy." More than a half
century later, in his outstanding review of the life and career of
Robert Brady, Douglas Dowd points to the same lessons: economic
inequities, economic globalization and political concentration of
power. "In such a world, the counsel of a Brady never loses its
vitality." Robert A. Brady was professor of economics at Columbia
University, and author of The Rationalization Movement in German
Industry; The Spirit and Structure of German Fascism; and The
Scientific Revolution in Industry. Douglas F. Dowd was professor of
economics at Johns Hopkins University and author of a number of
important books on economics, including Modern Economic Problems in
Historic Perspective.
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